Thursday, February 6, 2014

Barbaachisummaa Dhaabaa | The Need for Institutions

The Need for Institutions
(Originally Prepared for the Launching Event of MWMF)
By Ibsaa Guutama | December 2013
The Oromo had institutions for all activities and knew their importance. There was a process for an institution to be reformed or developed. According to the Gadaa tradition, legislation is to be reviewed every eight years. They very much understood that law had to be adjusted to conditions of the time. An institution that goes with time is indispensible for a nation. It is only people’s quest for freedom that does not change with time. Kaayyoo or objective principle is a guide to reach an intended goal. For instance, the objective of Greek democracy, which most tongues praise, was to assure adherence to people’s government. That means each citizen of a city had to participate directly in the decision making for all things of their concern. When territories start to expand and population increased, it became difficult to practice direct democracy, and so, representative democracy was introduced. But, the basic objective of empowering each citizen to have the right to vote was not altered. The colonizer destroyed the Gadaasystem, which had both direct and representative democracy.
It has been long since the Oromo started to look for their own ways to reconstitute their destroyed institutions. By institution, we mean, an organization one founds to carry out a planned task. The mission and vision of such an organization is determined by one that founded it. An institution is like a human child. The environment of its upbringing can influence and change the character intended for it. Norms in a society like care for public opinion, shyness, moral considerations orsafuu, abstinence, rejections, fads, challenges, and threats can influence it change from the intended purpose. An institution is not only formal, but also can be informal as well.
Not all institutions reach their goal. An institution is said to be dependable if those running it have proved themselves in their previous undertakings or after they have proven themselves in practice. The history of Oromo organizations of the past ten years could be a lesson for those who had followed them. Some showed left and turned right after arousing the people to frantic applauds. What were their shortcomings? Investigating that could save those who are planning for new projects from similar debacle.
Institutions are built to overcome shortcomings in society. People who take that mission should not only know the shortcomings, but also must be determined and have commitment for their undertakings. They must also be vigilant to protect their institution from hidden and open enemy attacks. Slogans do not prove commitment until one goes ahead and implement them. The Oromo had never lived for over hundred years by their own will, but by the will of the colonizer. Therefore, an institution founded on their name will be weighed against how much it contributes towards the realization of the nation’s right to national self-determination.
The Oromo people had a wide ranging struggle in which several were sacrificed and great gains were registered. Those gains were achieved by sacrifices of nationals, whom unbearable humiliation on Oromummaa agitated them to rise. Majority were peasants’ sons and daughters. Except for inborn bravery, they had no higher education or specialization, but their sweat and blood to offer. But, incapacity of the leadership to protect the organization from different pressures, and in changing their ways of thinking, paralyzed the political organization the nation counted on. Whether it is from ignorance or design, they are unable to take it out of the doldrums. The Oromo in foreign lands had wounded each other for long by either keeping on throwing rocks on the paralyzed or supporting it. This time, when they are unable to help it, they seem to have left it to its fate. Since shortcomings in Oromiyaa are tremendous, it seems they have chosen to professionally handle in teams those things that cannot create controversy among actors. But, except for the moment, the future of OLF, the vanguard of the Oromo struggle, is not a point of worry for it has gone beyond being destroyed internally or externally.
Now, the upcoming Oromo generation is gaining consciousness that they have started to devise how to re-institute all that had been destroyed. For those who want to work, the field is boundless. Recently, we have seen how the movement called “Afaan” had succeeded in its mission. For this reason, it is good to handle strongly in all fronts. Otherwise, there could come a time when one is under-prepared in having economic and socially institutions by only focusing now on political organizations. The need for a political organization in coordinating what present institutions outcome is obvious. But, we cannot be a nonpartisan and a political organization at the same time.
Among institutions being founded at the present, the Madda Walaabu Media Foundation (MWMF) is moving to make live radio broadcasts to Oromiya and the Horn in Afaan Oromo and English from January 1, 2014 onward. Judging from their documents on bylaws, articles of incorporation, rules and regulations, and mission and vision, the way they have started is convincing. What remains will be observing them in practice. For that, all have to give them the benefit of the doubt. The documents assure supporters that they favor no particular organization or would they create any obstacle to Oromo organizations other than supporting them. For this reason, Gubirmans Publishing stands with them as long as they stick to those principles. It will participate to its ability in their activities. We also wish success for the movement that has, according to the writer’s understanding, announced “We Are Oromo First” before “region, religion, tribe, etc.” – renewing the slogan their elders used to campaign for Oromo consciousness a half century ago. It would be wise to understand that, it is advantageous to move in cooperation with those having similar objectives and start to create conducive atmosphere to that end. As long as all move with clear, matured objective in good faith, there is no reason for not being successful.
If Oromo professionals move all together or in teams, what they could achieve have no limits. Those who are preparing something that helps teach and contribute towards each other’s consciousness are the blessed. If that is to develop Oromo capabilities and empowering the nation, it would earn happiness for all. It could also enable to overcome existing shortcomings by creating social and economic institutions that do not make class and outlook distinctions. The Oromo are long fed up of nauseating alien propaganda. Therefore, for those who had announced to reach them, it is essential to hurry up. It is said “a slow lover gives chance for the husband’s arrival.”
The Oromo are majority in the Horn of Africa. They have potential markets, not only for nonprofit institutions, but also for those working for profit. For this size to be noticed, they lack strong economic and social organizations – and weakness in political ones. An institution that delivers fast and effectively what it promised is not only a pride for supporters and members, but also gives all confidence to talk about it. The role of members are not only contributing ideas, money, labor, capabilities, and knowhow and raising morale, but also rallying support from possible sympathizers. An institution could be ground for participants to gain experience and a place to train futures leaders for several fields and for developing one’s culture.
What greater happiness could be there for a nation than hearing the gift of independent media for the New Year, at a time like this, when people had lost contact of each other, and alien propaganda is confusing them? What best wish message could be there greater than this short of independence? Reaching their people will be of great pride for Oromo in Diaspora. To make people conscious of their health, their activities, and their living is what the time demands. These days, those who can guide public opinion as they like are those who own media. They use it to advance their national and corporate interests. The movements we are seeing nowadays have to advance the interest of Oromo and other downtrodden. We are hearing that all their messages are based on Oromummaa. The only independent radio that reaches Oromiyaa was the voice of Oromo liberation (SBO). Its purpose is to advance the political program of Oromo liberation. Institutions being built these days could have a greater benefit if they focus on the economy and social affairs. Neutrality to existing intra Oromo political division could save from the quagmires their predecessors fell into. Not giving political education, but the matter of political organization must be separated from present movements. MWMF deserves special thanks for having clear stand on this issue. Let all put pressure on all of them from behind to keep them from faltering. As long as they contribute for the realization of the Oromo right to national self-determination, they all remain our common institutions. We hope they will work towards better understanding and find for us new techniques rather than allowing minuscule differences to keep them apart. We would like to once again congratulate MWMF for its declared success. Let us keep up the spirit of Oromummaaever alive. Qabsoon it fufa!
Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty equality and freedom for the living and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!
Barbaachisummaa Dhaabaa
(Haasaa BMMW beeksisuuf tolfame jalqaba tolfame 12/14/2013)
Ibsaa Guutama irraa
Oromoon durii waan halleef dhaaba qaba ture.Dhaabi tokko fooyya’u haa ta’uu guddachuufi yaa’a qaba. Akka sirna Gadaatt seerri tokko waggaa saddeet saddeetiin keessa deebi’amee ilaalama. Seerri haala Yeroo waliin deemuu akka qabu bareechanii beeku turan. Dhaabi seeraan dhaabbata. Kanaaf yeroo waliin deemuu qaba jechuu dha. Kan haala waliin hin jijjiiramne fedha ummati birmadummaaf qabu. Akeeki yk kaayyoon fedha ummataa guutuuf yaada hordofamu. Fakkeenyaaf akeeki demokrasii Grikii afaan hundi leellisu kaayyoon saa bu’uuraa, bulcha ummataa dhugoomsuu dha. Sana jechuun tokko tokkoon namaa waan isa ilaalu irrati murti kennuuf suduudaan qooda fudhachuu ture. Biyyi guddataa yoo deemu lakkoofsi namaas yoo baayyatu suduudaan hirmaachuun rakkisaaa waan dhufeef iddoosotaan qooda fudhachuun murteeffame. Akeeki hundi mirga qabaachuu garuu hin jijjiiramne. Sirna Gadaa demokraasii suduudaa fi iddoosotaatiin qabu koloneeffataan Oromoo jalaa rukute. Hamma danda’e buqqisee gate.
Kanaaf Oromoon dhaabota jalaa jijjigan akka deebisanii itt ijaarraatan karaa ofii barbaaddachuu erga eegalanii turaniiru. Dhaaba yoo jennu ijaarsa qaammi tokko hamlata karoorfate itt gaggeeffatuu jechuu keenya. Ergamsaa fi daayi saa qaama bu’urseen murteeffama. Dhaabi akka ilmoo namaati. Naannaa keessatt guddatu dhiibbaa guddaa itt tolchee miira warri hin yaadnee ala horachuu danda’a. Hangammeessi hawaasa keessa jiru, akka maal naan jedhu, saalfii, safuu, laguu, ciigoo, sinsinnii, didhaa fi dorsisa fakkaatan bifaa geeddarsiisuun ni mala. Kanaaf dhaabi isa caasaan namaatt mulliisan qofa utuu hin ta’in kan barsiifataan hordofanis ta’uu ni danda’a.
Dhaabi hundii fiixan hin ba’u. Dhaabi tokko abdachiisaa dha kan jedhamu, kan gaggeessan hojii kanaan dura argisiisaniin amanamummaa horatan yoo ta’e yk shakalaan waan jedhanitt kan cichan ta’uu saanii yeroon erga agarsiise duuba ta’a. Seenaan dhaabota Oromoo kurnan darbanii kan caqaseef barumsa guddaa ta’a. Kaan amba kana erga mirqaansanii harka rukuchiisanii booda mirga agarsiisani bitaa lufanii. Hanqinni saanii maal ture? Kan waa tolchuuf ka’an hundi sana qorachuun kufaatii irra oolchuu danda’a.
Dhaabi hanqina hawaasa tokko keessatt argamu guutuuf ijaarama. Namooti dhaabicha hogganan hanqina jiru hubachuu qofa utuu hin ta’in sana guutuuf kutatoo fi akeeka saaniif dudhama kan qaban ta’uutu irra eegama. Akkasumas dhaaba saanii haleellaa dhokataa fi mullataa hamajaajiin aggaamamu irra eeguuf dammaqoo ta’uu qabuu. Dhaadannoon dudhama hin mirkaneessu kanaaf itt deemanii hojii irra oolchuu dha. Waggaa dhibbaa oliif Oromoon akka koloneeffataan barbaadett malee akka ofii barbaadutt bulanii hin beekanii. Kanaaf dhaabi maqaa saaniin ijaaramu kan madaalamu ummatichi mirga hiree saa sabummaa ofiin murteeffachu gara dandeessisutt tattaafii agarsiisaniinii.
Ummati Oromoo kanaan dura qabsoo baldhaa hunda hammataa gaggeeffatee hedduu itt wareegee milkii guddaas galmeeffate. Milkiin sun sabboonota xiiqiin Oromummaa kaakaaseen argame. Wayyabi saanii ijoollee qotee bulati. Onneen kakaasee dafqa fi dhiigaa saanii wareeguufi dhihaatan malee barumsa olaanaa fi kan addaa qabaataniif miti. Garuu hoggansi dhiibbaa adda addaa irra of eeguu fi yaada haromfachuu dadhabuun dhaabi malbulcha hedduu abdatame laasha’ee jira. Beekaa haa ta’uu wallaalaa wanti halle kan dalga itt gale fakkaata. Oromoon ala kana jiran waaggaa hedduuuf laasha’aama kanatt dhagaa guuruu fi deggeruutt diina gargaaraa fi walis mammadeessaa bahani. Alana gara itt qaban waldhaalluun akka hireen saanii godhe hata’an jedhanii kan itt dhiisan fakkaata. Hanqinni Oromiyaan qabu hedduu waan ta’eef garee gareen ogummaan waan wal hin giphasifnett bobba’aa jori. ABOn ammaaf malee, egereen saa hin yaaddessuu. Keessaan haa ta’uu alaan diiganii balleessuu irra ol ta’eera.
Amma Ilmaan Oromoo jalaa ka’iin dammaqaa waan dhufaniif, kan bade hunda deebisanii ijaaruuf mala dhahaa jiru. Kan hojjechuu bobba’uu fedhaniif, baldhanni dirree hamma hin qabu. Dhihenyuma kana sochiin “Afaan” jedhu hagam akka milkaawe argaa jirra. Kanaaf fula fuulan qabaa jabeeffachuu dha. Sana malee utuma malbulcha qofaa irratt ija babaasanii diinagdee fi hawasomaan gaafa biyyi argamu qophii dhabuun dhaqqabuu danda’a. Hobbaati sochootii amma tolfamaa jiranii, bulee kan qindeessu dhaabi malbulcha barbachisaa dha. Garuu al tokkoon hin baabsinees dhaaba malbulchaas ta’uu hin dandeenyu.
Dhaabota ijaaramaa jiran keessaa Bu’uursa Media Madda Walaabu kan jedhamu afaan Oromoon Amajjii tokkoo 2014 irraa ka’ee dhaamsa raadiyoo biyyatt facaasuuf karoorfatee socho’utt jira. Barruunqabii (documents) akka heera, seeraa fi dambiilee, ergamsaa fi daayaa, yoo ilaallu karaa isaan jalqaban amansiisaa ta’a. Hojiin fulduratt ilaallaa. Leellisoo gola kamiiyyuu akka hin taane fi dhaaba Oromoo kamuu deggeruu malee akka gufuu itt hin taane barruunqaboti kun ni agarsiisu. Kanaaf Barlabsi Gubirmans hamma isaan karaa jedhan irra deemanitt waliin ijaajja. Gocha saanii keessattis qooda fudhata. Sochiin “ganda, amantee, gosa kkf” “Dura Nuti Oromoo dha” jechuun dhaadannoo angafoti waggaa shantama dura ittiin ummata dammaqsaa turan haaromsee kan labses waan akeekkatettshaffisaan akka milkaawu hawwinaafi. Kan akeeka tokkoo qaban gamtaan bobba’uun anjaa akka qabu qayyabachaa walii tumsuuf ammumaa karaa mijjeessaa deemuun gamnummaa dha. Hunduu akeeka taliilaa, bilchaataa fi garaa qulqulluun hanga bobba’anitt wanti hin milkoofneef hin jiratu.
Oromoo ogeeyyiin yoo waliinis garee gareenis bobba’an wanti tulchuu danda’an daanga hin qabu. Alana waan ittiin walbarsiisan fi wal dammaqsan tolchuuf kan tattaafataa jiran eebbifamoo dha. Sun dandeett Oromoo olkaasanii ummaticha aangessuuf yoo ta’e gammachuu hundaati. Hanqina jiru guutee dhaabota hawaasomaa kan gitaa fi ilaalchaan hin baabsine diriirsuu,dandessisa. Qoodi miseensotaa gargaarsa, yaadaa, horii, humnaa, dandeettii, beekumsaa fi hamilee gumaachuu dha. Namoota biyyaaf yaadan sanaaf hiriirsuunis qooda saanii ta’a. Oromoon holola halagaa locaa ta’e qofa dhaggeeffachuu erga nuffee turee jira. Kanaf dhaqabuufii kan murteeffatan shaffisuun barbaachisaa dha. “Qaqqabatan dhirsaa namatt fida” jedhama.
Oromoon gaanfa Afrika keessa ummata wayyaba. Dhaabota bu’a malee qofa utuu hin ta’in kan bu’aaf ijaaramanis gabaa riphaa guddaa qabu. Guddina saanii bahee mullachuuf hanqina dhaabota diinagdee, hawaasomaa fi laafina dhaabota malbulchaatu jira. Dhaabi waan jedhu shaffisaa fi mudaa malee hojiirra oolchu miseensaa fi deggertootaa boonaa fi gammachuu horaafi. Dhaabicha keessatt qooda kan fudhatan muuxxannoo duubaaf tolu argachuu danda’u. Dhaabi bakka itt waa baratan, dirree adda addaaf bakka hogganoota keessaa maddisiifatanii fi aadaa saanii itt misomfatan ta’uu danda’a.
Yero itt namooti afuura walii dhabanii mediyaa hamajaajiin afanfajjeeffamaa jiran kana, media ittiin dhaqabnu ijaarra kan jedhan as bahuun hammaam garaa lammii haa ciibsuu? Kana Caalaa kennaa Waggaa haaraa malliitu jira? Oromoo ala jiraniif ummata saanii dhaqabuu boonsaa dha. Ummmata waa’ee fayyaa saa, jiru saa fi oolmaa saa dammaqsuun waan yeroon gaafatu. Si’ana ilaalcha addunya gara barbaadanitt kan masakan kan mediyaa qabanii. Hundu fedha sabaa fi daldala ofii duratt ittiin dhiibu. Sochooti si’ana mumuldhataa jiran fedha ummata Oromoo fi cunqurfamootaa ifa baasuu qabu. Dhaamsi saani hunduu akka dhagahaa jirrutt Oromummaa irratt hundaawaa. Raadiyoo walabi maqaa Oromoon Oromiyyaa dhaqabu SBO qofa ture. Inni sagantaa bilisummaa Oromoo utubuuf dhaabbate. Dhaaboti amma ijaaramaa jiran kan xiyyeeffatan hawasomaa fi diinagdee irratt yoo ta’e bu’aa wayyaa qabaatu. Sagantaa dhaaba malbulchaa kamiifuu hin baabsinee fi dhaaba malbulchaa ta’uufis hin dorgomnee yoo ta’an dhaddhaqii sochooti isaan dura seenan irra of baraaru. Waa’ee malbulcha barsiisuu utuu hin ta’in waa’een dhaaba malbulchaa sochoota si’ana jiran irra addatt ilaalamuu qaba. “Afaan fi BMMW sana ifa baasuu saaniif galata qabu. Hunduu jalqabamanii akka duubatt hin deebine duubaa haa dhiibnu. Hanga ummati Oromoo mirga hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu haala mijjeessanitt, hundi saanii dhabota keenya. Garagarummaa bubbucuu qaban afarsuu caalaa wal qayyabachuuf tattaafachuun mala adda addaa nuuf burqisisu jennee abdanna. BMMWn keessa deebinee baga ooffalte jennaa. Ayyaana Oromummaa yoomu haa jabeessinuu. Qabsoon it fufa!
Ulfinaa fi surraan gootota kufaniif; walabummaa, walqixxummaa fi bilisummaan kan hafaniif; nagaa fi araarri Ayyaana abboolii fi ayyoliif haa tahu!

Full Speech of the OLF Representative, Dr. Shigux Geleta, on the Frankfurt Horn of African Solidarity Conference (Jan. 4, 2014)

Posted: Amajjii/January 20, 2014 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com | Comments (1)
The Frankfurt Horn of African Solidarity Conference (January 4, 2014)
The Frankfurt Horn of African Solidarity Conference (January 4, 2014)
Dear Mr. Chairman,
Dear Honorable Representatives of the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and beloved members of the Oromo, Ogadenian and Eritrean communities as a whole! It is a great privilege and honor for me to be among you today representing the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).  First of all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the Organizing Committee for having organized such a timely and important conference supposed to assess the social, political and economic situations of the Horn of Africa with a special emphasis on the Ethiopian empire.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Oromo-Ogaden and Eritrean Solidarity, such as the one we see today here in Frankfurt, did not emanate overnight or out of naught. It has rather had its own history and raison d’etre in our distant history of struggles for freedom against the oppression and subjugation we commonly had suffered, and are still suffering, under the Ethiopian empire.  Indeed, I believe that the Oromo-Ogaden-Eritrean solidarity is deeply rooted in the hearts of our respective peoples who continually aspire through their struggles to restore their inalienable right to the right to self-determination. No doubt, each people has its own separate history and social identity – in accordance to which it articulates the specificity of its problems, and hence propose their solutions accordingly. However, those specificities can never override the common experience of colonial oppression, and therefore, the necessity of solidarity among different freedom-seeking peoples. Freedom for each is pre-determined by freedom for all, and vice-versa. Such mutuality and reciprocity lies at the core principle of the type of solidarity I am talking about.
Though the Eritrean people have already counted two decades of freedom and sovereignty, it is precisely because of this basic principle that the Eritrean people and government still remain in solidarity with the Oromos, Ogadenians and other oppressed nations and nationalities. Its freedom will not be a full-fledged one without the freedom of other oppressed peoples of the region, because the security and political stability in Eritrea are unthinkable without peace and justice in the region as a whole. Therefore, the urge and strife for people’s freedom would remain to be the ultimate explanation for the relentless support the Eritrean state has been giving to the Oromo liberation struggle. The Oromo, Ogaden and Eritrean solidarity is a matter of categorical imperative to the political will of the region, and the Horn of Africa in general – not just an accidental phenomenon that lies in the whim of their respective politicians.
Honorable representatives and all participants of the conference,
Our common march to freedom, equality and justice is just like traveling on a big ship which sails on the vast open ocean to a common destiny. Not only do we need to ascertain where we are traveling to, but also the conditions of the ship and the possible obstructions it may face, be it natural or technical, so that the ship not only arrive at the point of its original and final destination safely, but also smoothly and punctually. This is an analogy that best describes for me the common march of the Oromo-Ogden and other oppressed peoples in the Ethiopian empire to freedom as they are progressing in their endeavor to build and shape a more stable, democratic and prosperous society. As much as the sailing journey is dependent on many unforeseeable natural calamities, human and technical failures, our common march to freedom can never be smooth, calculable or guaranteed against all odds. As experience has repetitively shown us, our journey has always been with many ups and downs which would often result with forth and backward movements in our struggle.
Betrayal in the course of Ethiopian politics has been observed several times in our protracted struggle. In 1991, for example, the mediating international community promised solidarity with our struggle as it heralded the famous motto “No Democracy; No Support.” But sooner than the ink, with which the Transitional Charter had been written, dried, the Western World turned, as you all know – deaf ear and blind eye to the catastrophic aftermath of the failure of the Transitional Agreement. The so-called international community was not alone in such a betrayal. Even our neighboring countries, such as Kenya, Sudan and Djibouti, did the same by having subsequently handed over our veterans to the EPRDF government. In due course of time, we were even betrayed by our own members as the balance of force kept tilting to the side of the TPLF/EPRDF.
Despite all the odds and the calamities we had had to be through, our determination and resilience to the struggle for freedom have been gathering its momentum through the immense sacrifices the Oromo Liberation Army [OLA/WBO] and the Oromo youth have been paying back at home. By contrast, we, Oromos in Diaspora, need to critically assess ourselves in respect to the minimum national duties we are expected to fulfill on our part. We need to be reflective as to whether we have done, and are doing, all what we can do in protecting and safeguarding, at least, the achievements of those sacrifices. We need to learn from our past mistakes not to repeat history. Today, we need, more than ever, to resolutely work and endeavor to be the masters of our own destiny rather than simply waiting and hoping someone else to accomplish our own duties.
Today, our peoples are in a period of transition. It is a transition from self-awareness as a nation towards self-realizing as a social agent of change towards achieving a more stable, prosperous and democratic system for the entire region – without relinquishing one’s own ideals and national identities. As history has taught us, a period like this is indeed full of sensitive and critical problems, which can often result in a setback and the deterioration of the nation’s living conditions. It is in this situation that social instability would result and would further precipitate chaotic and disorderly behaviors even amongst freedom-seeking nations themselves. Such a period could even be more dangerous when the stronger or superior sides are forcing their own will by repressive mechanisms.  Accordingly, today, our nations are challenged with varied, complex and multifaceted problems in the areas of politics, economy, social affairs, and security and environmental conservation.
Therefore, taking this opportunity, I would like to extend our call again to stand shoulder to shoulder in the face of the larger common goal of eradicating the horrendous oppressive system of the Ethiopian empire, and to ascertain freedom, liberty, justice, and peace for our peoples and the Horn as well. Needless to stress the fact that only people’s freedom and liberation can guarantee for peace and stability in the region.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In what follows, I would like to shed a light on how the TPLF-led EPRDF has ruled with iron feast for the last 22 years. It created in the 1990s a form of “indirect rule” based on the official definition of ethnicity. Organizationally, the TPLF has managed the full control over EPRDF. It has systematically pushed out viable opposition forces out of the legal political playing field. Key positions in the national defense force and security have been overwhelmingly occupied by Tigrayans. Finally, they have managed to build one of the strongest armies in Africa, not only to smash down any opposition force in the country, but also to keep and guard “security and stability” in other African states, such as the ones it has sent to Rwanda, Liberia, Sudan,  Somalia and South Sudan in the name of “peace-keeping forces.” In having done so, it has used the opportunity in portraying itself as the best partner of the West in fighting international terrorism. Mind you! Its achievements are two-fold at a stroke. While it is consolidating its military power and dominance in the region on the one hand; it is simultaneously using this very act as a source of securing international financial support and legitimacy, on the other. By the same token, it puts all IGAD [the Intergovernmental Authority on Development] member-countries under its influence either by cross-border raids or trade ties, such us promoting the electric power. It hires foreign consultants in Brussels, London, Washington D.C. and New York for the purpose of lobbying its repressive political system to the Western governments. It sells fertile land of Oromia and the South to foreigners, and uses its subversive action as a diplomatic leverage. It has bought and penetrated oppositions with money, and tries to attract the Diaspora with minor/petty benefits. Despite all these, it has never succeeded to defeat our liberation struggle. On the contrary, we are vigilant, resilient and determined in our struggle more than ever. Today, we are progressively getting better militarily. As I have already mentioned, the Oromo Liberation Army [OLA/WBO] is very much visible in its consistent operations in the entire Oromia region, including the central one, directly, adjacent to the capital city Finfinne/Addis Ababa. General civil unrest and mass movements have been underway for quite sometime thanks to the Oromo Youth, known as Qeerroo, which is getting progressively support from all other social sectors beyond the youth.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Finally, our struggle for democracy, freedom and self-determination stands at a historic juncture where it is gathering and consolidating its momentum in determining not only our separate destinies, but also the course of history for the entire region in the future. As I have already mentioned elsewhere, as an Oromo nation and the Oromo Liberation Front, we believe that our alliances with all oppressed peoples, progressive democratic forces and peace-seeking neighboring countries in the region are strategically important in the drive towards freedom, peace and stability for the Horn. The struggle for freedom will be concluded when the right to self-determination is realized, and the choice of the people is implemented and respected. In this regard we have to be cautious not to make unforgivable failure by deciding ourselves the outcome of a people’s choice that affects the existence of the right to make a choice. The outcome of our people’s referendum should not be a subject of a political discussion as we witness today. In respect to this principal position of the OLF, I recommend my fellow Oromos to see not things in their mundane existence, but in their interrelationships – not in their snapshot appearance, but in their contextual essence as part and parcel of a larger process.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The politics of alliance demands identifying reliable partners, articulating and undertaking common objectives to be achieved and cultivating mutual trust to achieve further consolidation of unity at yet higher level. Interests based on geographic proximity, cultural ties, complementary economy, suffering the same fate of subjugation are all factors that make the Oromo and other oppressed peoples of the south natural allies. This shouldn’t be misused by lack of skills and foresight on both sides. EPRDF is skilled in instigating ethnic conflicts. The ongoing savage act of “the Somali kilil liyyuu tor” [the Special Military-Police of the Somali Region in Ethiopia] on Oromos (in the Mayyoo, Fadiis, Miidhagaa Lolaa, Cinaaksan, Baabbilee areas of east Oromia and farther south in Diida of the Borana zone) is just a case in point. Our vanguard organizations, and both Oromo and Ogaden elders, need to work hard to stop such bloodshed orchestrated by our common enemy, the TPLF.
I should unmistakably emphasize that we, Oromos, have no animosity towards any other people in the region except that we are against the oppressive and repressive system in the Ethiopian empire. We all know that governmental systems are temporal as a matter of historical necessity. However, peoples and their relations to one another remain eternal, in fact, often bonded by common destiny. It is based on this basic fact that we insist on the need and importance of solidarity among our peoples if they are to achieve freedom, justice, prosperity and peace in the region as a whole. An enduring and lasting peace can only be achieved through justice that confers each people with the right to self-determination – a fundamental principle of voluntarism, free choice based contractual conception of society upon which all modern democracies are established.
As a result, let us stand together; unite our efforts against the EPRDF regime; and support each other and work hard in collaboration to achieve our dream for freedom.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me conclude my speech with a reminding announcement to my Oromo fellows and, of course, friends of the Oromo:
As I suppose you all know, January-First is a multifaceted anniversary for OLF members and supporters, and the Oromo people at large. It was decided as a date of anniversary for the Oromo Liberation Army [OLA/WBO] in 1979, and it was first celebrated in 1980. Since then, it has always been celebrated by all freedom-loving Oromos around the world. The historical background to this choice is shortly as follows: In November 1973 J/ Elemo Qilxuu and his comrades took Chercher as a guerrilla base to fight against the colonial yoke, and in September 1974 they began to combat against the Emperor’s army, but the armed struggle was terminated for a while, and again started in 1976. It was endangered in 1978 and recovered in 1979. As a result of such hazardous situations encountered by the OLA, January 1st was selected to be the anniversary day of OLA. Since January 1st of 1980, it has been celebrated as the Day of OLA and New Year. Once again, I congratulate you for the Day of OLA and wish you a happy New Year.
Thank you for your attention,
Long Live OLA!
Freedom and Justice Shall Prevail!
The Struggle for Freedom Shall Continue until Victory!
Honor and Glory for the Fallen Heroines!
Thank you,
January 04, 2014
Frankfurt am Main, Germany
———————-
The Frankfurt Horn of African Solidarity Conference (January 4, 2014)
The Frankfurt Horn of African Solidarity Conference (January 4, 2014)
The Frankfurt Horn of African Solidarity Conference (January 4, 2014)

No universal Ethiopian hero or history: a rejoinder to Al Mariam

Menelik-IIBy Buri Waddesso
(OPride) – Menelik II, Ethiopia's brutal 19th century king, has made a sudden return to the Ethiopian media spotlight over the last two months. Much has been written, from opposing viewpoints, in connection with a centennial intended to mark the 100th year of his death.
In his latest, rather nauseatingly lengthy, foray into the polarizing and heated debate about the king, Alemayehu G Mariam, who teaches politics atCalifornia State University, tried to recount Menelik's "many accomplishments" and dismiss Menelik’s detractors as a deluded, irrational, and unenlightened bunch undeserving of being heard.
In a convoluted effort to rationalize his fetish for the greatest murderer of the Oromo and South, Al Mariam accused those he disagreed with of being government puppets. As a critic of the current dictatorial Ethiopian regime, for much longer time than Al Mariam, I would like to point out the follies of the likes of Al Mariam in trying to present a sanitized version of Menelik and the long past, which they desperately strive to resurrect to replace Ethiopia's dismal present. 
Menelik was a complex man of many faces. Al Mariam presented the monarch as a "true African" and a great leader who put Ethiopia on the path of modernity. The good professor brushed off charges that Menelik committed heinous crimes, amounting to genocide, during his ambitious greater Ethiopia project as mere "allegations."
Compared to his two predecessors, Tewodros, a tug, and Yohannes IV, a religious fanatic, Menelik's reign over Northern Ethiopia stood for stability,  moderation and have had a modernizing effect overall. While both Tewodros and Yohannes lost their lives, fighting Britain's Napier and Sudan's Dervish respectively, whom their miscalculations invited, Menelik's well-equipped army gave Italians a thorough lashing at the battle of Adwa in 1896- while still leaving them unmolested beyond the Mereb River.
The latter was a shrewd move on Menelik's part, not to risk squandering the Adawa victory. But the decision was what sawed the seeds for the 30-year long Ethio-Eritrean war that ended in their separation in 1993 and the much lamented loss of access to the Red Sea. One may also legitimately ask: How does Menelik’s decisions compare with Alula Aba Nega’s eviction of the Italian and Egyptian invading armies?
To be fair, Menelik's was no era when differences were sorted out peacefully at the negotiation table. But is this enough to condone brutal subjugation?
To realize his ambition for total dominance over his erstwhile Northern rivals, Menelik had to amass a huge wealth, which meant waging war on his wealthier neighbors, the Oromo and the South. Al Mariam's efforts to whitewash the brutality of Menelik’s campaign of conquest, not just expansion, are as irrational as it gets.
Hitler, too, built roads, laid magnificent infrastructure, ended social strife, and calmed down the rampant inflation of the 1930s that denied Germans the security of life following the disasters of the WWI and its messy aftermath. 
However, what rises as Hitler's legacy is not the modernization of German industry, which he destroyed through his unbridled aggression, but rather his crimes as the architect of the holocaust. To celebrate this evil is a crime in Germany. However, some Ethiopians, including highly educated ones, have no shame glorifying psychopaths and mass killers, whose crimes against humanity are horrendous even if not rising to the holocaust. 
As Menelik spared Ethiopia, Stalin saved the former Soviet Union from Nazi occupation. At the same time, in addition to millions that perished in his endless political purges, he drove and dislocated millions out of their homelands.

However, Stalin's biggest accomplishment – protecting USSR's territorial integrity – was not enough to make him a hero for all times. 
Al Mariam and his likes have every right to celebrate Menelik's centennial. However, it is foolish and insensitive to rub it on the noses of descendants of Menelik's victims.
In Russia, Stalin still has apologists, who are laughed at by the majority. Menelik's acolytes should not be shocked when they are laughed at for their willful ignorance of and callous refusal to acknowledge the magnitude of the crimes committed.
Menelik poked gaping holes in the European claim to superiority. His victory over Italy is instrumental in resurrecting the pride of the Black race all over the world. However, this need to be tallied against his institutionalization of the inferiority of the nations subjugated. He was going around telling the subject people's that their religion was pagan, their stock was of an inferior race, their way of life was backward, their kind not fit enough to own and farm their own land, and so on and forth. 
While we're on the subject, how does his denial of being Black – a sickness of the soul that afflicted many Ethiopians to date – square with his image as the quintessential Black hero?  Should this be brushed aside as a minor lapse or a defining character of his? As a society that gave a blind eye to such self-denials, should we dismiss such topics as irrelevant or face all our demons, small and big?
State formation
No state is made other than by blood and iron. Ethiopia could not be an exception. But to deny the multitudes of bloodshed in the process of state formation, especially one as expansive as Ethiopia, does not do service to the country's continuity as a common state of victors and the vanquished.
Menelik's army, where the emperor himself was at the lead, committed unspeakable atrocities, especially in areas where fierce resistance was mounted. Talk to the Kaficho, who were almost wiped, about Menelik's benevolence. Tout Menelik's greatness to the to an average Walayita, who were reduced to rabble from being a great kingdom. Talk to an average Oromo in general and the Arsi Oromo in particular, men and women, who were subjected to inhumane mutilation, about Menelik's magnanimity at and after the war.
The list is long and gruesome, suffice to say, you will be met by universally deafening silence, underneath of which lie the pain and pent anger from a historical trauma of untold proportions. Without appearing totally anti-modernist, may I ask what the average person from the vanquished benefited from Menelik's "modernization"? 
A cynical among them may be justified in claiming that the benefits of the telephone lines were providing the opportunity to be spied on by the state. The upside of the roads was to bring soldiers, their supplies, and reinforcements to quell discontent by the natives. The advantages of the airstrips was to provide platforms from which the natives would be straffed should they stir for revolt against inhuman treatment at the hands of the authorities. 
Rather than bothering to acknowledge even these niceties, Al Mariam lumps all his opponents into one camp and scolds them for re-writing history. Professor, is history not always written and rewritten? Does it take pulling a license from a self-appointed authority to engage in historical inquiry? By the way, professor, was Ethiopian history not penned by court historians at the pay of the monarchs whose lives and exploits they chronicled in the name of Ethiopian history?
It is Ethiopian history so written that the likes of Al Mariam want us to worship without questioning. For so long Ethiopia's worship of history and idolization of false prophets of the past had risen to an almost legendary level. And no wonder why we are debating the legacy of a bygone era. However, today we are no longer in a state where we take half-truths as truth, one-sided readings of history as the whole truth, and self-interested interpretation as if the very word of the almighty.
Al Mariam had been trying to make it appear as if he was preaching for a more enlightened vision of Ethiopia. The reality is that he shamelessly joins his right-wing cousins in making a case for a pride in such one-sided history and divisive historical figures for the ostensible goal of helping "us" united as people of one common country. Notwithstanding the fact that Ethiopia's diverse people do not need a common history to be united, pride in murderers, past or present, is a recipe for polarization not unity. People are united by ideals rather than idols. And ideals are about the future rather than the past. I am not calling here for the wholesale discarding of the past but rather its subjection to a critical light from multiple angles.
Al Mariam is not the only one who got it wrong on Menelik. Many are going astray in the hope of not giving solace to today's tyrants, who should have known better but persist in their tyranny, and out of the illusion that they are working for the country's unity, which they falsely believe was built on the greatness of its leaders rather than the goodness of the people.
By and large, elites from Amhara, Oromo, Tigrean, or Southern nations alike have another sickness. To compensate our deep dissatisfaction with the present, we habitually hearken back to a lost paradise, the good old days. Through the foggy lens of our collective amnesia, the past always looks pristine. Those who relive the shadowy past wallow in nightmares. While not whitewashing the crimes of the past or not wholly dwelling upon them, we have to cast false pretenses and face our present situation head-on to shape a better and common future.
Suspended on the air between the tall towers and opposite poles of the long past and an unrealized future, we could not resolve our current impasse. As much as this calls for strong political will, it also requires intellectual courage to see the contorted and many faces of truth, especially about the murky annals of the past.
Al Mariam is racing in the opposite direction by lumping together all who are opposed to Menelik's centennial as EPRDF's "lackey-proxies, stooges and puppets."
Al Mariam's revisionist historiography is condescending and full of exaggerated claims. Using racy language doesn't make one a better historian. By the way, what's with all the parenthesis, prof?
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No Amount of Doctors’ Training Can Change the Equation, but a Just System that Motivates and Continues to Inspire the Educated to Serve, and Serve Again!

Posted: Amajjii/January 31, 2014 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com | Comments (2)
By Ibrahim Elemo*, M.D., M.P.H.
The following piece is in response to an article published onAyyaantuu.com about the brain-drain of physicians and other skilled professionals from Ethiopia and other parts of Africa to Canada and other western countries. This is not a new story to many people. What is rather new to some of us is the Ethiopian government’s strategy to deal with this tragedy by over producing physicians.
I read this story a day after I called a 36-year school director, who ended up in a hospital, 100km away from his home town only because he had a headache and was found to have high blood-pressure, and given some medicine to control it. Actually, he lives in a town where there is a district hospital. I spoke with the same person 2 days before, and to my best knowledge, he was in good state of health. When I called to speak with him again, his phone was answered by his wife, who told me that he was receiving an urgent care in a hospital. I asked to speak with him, asked him how he felt and what medicine he was given. His blood-pressure, at the time I spoke with him, was not elevated. I realized that the unfortunate teacher was suffering not from hypertensive emergency, but the side effects of the wrong blood-pressure medication, about which neither the patient nor the health professional had any idea that it could be causing his symptoms. His wife initially told me that they were planning to take him to a higher-level immediately if he had not felt better. He had been given two medicines, which he continued to use them thinking that his blood-pressure was getting out of control and causing his profound dizziness. You can imagine the financial impact of such poor quality of care. It could cost this teacher thousands of Birr/dollars until he gets to a tertiary care level or a dedicated physician who reviews his medication, listens to his story well and tells him to stop taking the wrong medicine he had been put on. This is the story of thousands of people – if not every day, every week, in a country where the government’s policy is to deal with the massive exodus of physicians by overproducing physicians and saturating the domestic market.
They have no strategy of retaining the best of the best, but have strategies to use the worst of the worst from all communities of people to rule over them indefinitely. To get back to the main reason why I decided to write this short piece: reflecting on my own trajectory from a “committed subject” willing to serve his country to someone soon-to-be-a-professional selling his service for a fee in a western country.
“According to Canada-based CUSO International, between 1990 and 2006, Ethiopia trained 3,700 doctors. Only 700 of them stayed to work there. Africa’s health-care system isn’t the only sector hemorrhaging skilled workers — there are more African-born engineers and scientists living in Canada and the U.S. than in all of Africa.”
Reading this story on Ayyaantuu.com made me think about circumstances that forced me to leave my country for a time being. Fresh out of a medical school, I went to the Oromiya Health Bureau and asked the Head to assign me to the Borana zone, which was, back then, one of the few zones physicians avoided going to at any cost. There was tremendous violence, even against physicians, and the economic deprivation of the local communities was unparalleled anywhere in Ethiopia, except Ogaden and parts of Hararge. Borana was occupied by thousands of TPLF soldiers stationed in almost all towns and major checkpoints and camps. Nobody wanted to go to Borana unless they had no other options – that was the situation 13 years ago.
Per my request, I was assigned to Borana, and I went there with a letter and asked the Head of the Zonal Health Department, Dr. Assefa Sime, to assign me to the most disadvantaged Health Center (HC) so that I could serve the poorest of the poor, and the most marginalized and difficult to reach population of the zone.
Here are some of the facts; Borana was the most liked place by physicians before the fall of Derg regime (because of lucrative contraband business, and the good financial status of the Borana and a grateful community), and it became the most unpopular few years later after the coming to power of the current regime. Moyale was a thriving business town which even attracted the sister of a Prime Minister to invest in a hotel industry. Years later, it became a military garrison – home to thousands of TPLF soldiers watching, at times, arming local communities to destroy each other. A few years before I came to Borana, there were 13 physicians in the Nagelle Borana Hospital (NBH), and 2-3 physicians in almost all Health Centers (HC). When I came there in 2000, there were only 3 general practitioners (GP’s) and 1 surgeon in NBH. They all had left in a matter of few years. There was a similar trend in almost all zones of Oromiya. There were more doctors in the capital, Addis Ababa (Finfinne), than in the rest of the country. Oromiya’s health facilities were to be “ghost places.”
The zonal health administration told me that they could not assign a doctor to HC when the zonal hospitals were almost empty. There were only 3 physicians in the brand new Bule Hora Hospital. Each of these hospitals were serving more than 1.5-million population at the time. As a result, I was assigned to work in the Nagelle Borana Hospital. A few months later, I had to go to the Taltalle District to supervise the National Polio Eradication Campaign.
Taltalle is a 10,000-sqkm wide district – its size is bigger than the North Shawa zone of Oromiya. We had only one car to conduct supervision, which lasted only for a few days in this big district. A certain European expatriate working for an international NGO (non-governmental organization) – who worked in Kosovo before coming to work in Taltalle – told me that Taltalle was actually bigger than Kosovo. There was no vehicle assigned to the HC, and there was no district health office. El-Dima, a police post at the Ethio-Kenya border during the Haile Selassie regime, is 105km from Millami, the main town. I had to travel to El-Dima from Millami on foot, back and forth – fresh out of high school. That was how teachers and health care workers used to travel to reach several communities in the Taltalle district. It was a difficult campaign to supervise.
Once I was there, I decided to go to Waata Wondo, a place no physician had ever set their feet on. It is only 60km from Millami. However, because of lack of road infrastructure, we had to take the longest route, through Birindar. Konso, across the Weyto River and the desert to reach Waata Wondo from the back. We had to take a better route – better is a relative term. Look at the picture below if you want to know how good that road had been.
The difficult road at a place called Abba-Roba, before crossing the Segen River to reach the Konso District
The difficult road at a place called Abba-Roba, before crossing the Segen River to reach the Konso District
However, getting there was similar to making a spiritual journey. I lack words to express the feelings afterwards. The pride of being there, taking all the risks and personal hardships. It is, after all, a service to my country and my people. Being there for my people, against all odds and challenges! That is what I ask all physicians in training back home to consider. Graduate, be bold, and go to even the most disadvantaged and hard to reach areas, serve! You will be proud of your service to your country at the prime of your life. Always think about staying and working, and of course, cooperating with others in changing the political system to a system which is based on the best interests of all its peoples. Our vision to have a government of the people, by the people is probably the panacea. No amount of doctors’ training can change the equation, but a just system that motivates and continues to inspire the educated to serve, and serve again!
Kaayo Qabna!
Locating a village in Waata Wondo, a remote and hard to reach area of the Taltalle District in South Oromiya in 2000 during the National Polio Immunization Campaign
Locating a village in Waata Wondo, a remote and hard to reach area of the Taltalle District in South Oromiya in 2000 during the National Polio Immunization Campaign
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Dr. Ibrahim Elemo is the President of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA), a scholarly, multidisciplinary, non-profit international organization established to promote studies on issues relevant to the Oromo people.

Qeerroo.org: Mooraan Yuuniversitii Haromayaa Goolame – Barattooti Hedduun Nyaata Summaaye Nyaachuu Irraan Miidhaman

Posted: Guraandhala/February 2, 2014 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com | Comments (4)
Mooraan Yuuniversitii Haromayaa Goolame - Barattooti Hedduun Nyaata Summaaye Nyaachuu Irraan Miidhaman
Mooraan Yuuniversitii Haromayaa Goolame – Barattooti Hedduun Nyaata Summaaye Nyaachuu Irraan Miidhaman
(Qeerroo.org) – Diddaa barattooti Yuuniversitii Haromaayaa kaasaniin wal qabatee guyyaa har’aa sirni abbaa hirree mootummaa Wayyaanee baraa gara baraatti barattoota mala adda addaan fixuu aadeffate har’as caalmaatti jabeeffatee itti fufee jira. Haala kanaa har’a 31/1/014 dallaa university Haromayyaa keessatti nyaata barattootaa keessatti summii lubbuu dabarsaa makuun barattootni nyaata kana nyaatan kumaatamni miidhaan guddaa irra gahuun kan mana yaalaa seenan yoo tahu, kanneen maqaan isaanii adda hin baane lakkoofsi isaanii tilmaamaan ja’a tahan lubbuun akka darbee jiruus dhagahamaa jira. Barattootni mana yaalaa galan illee lubbuu darbuu irraa akka hin baraaramne dhagahamaa jira. Kanneen maqaan isaanii adda hin bahiinii fi haala gabaasa kanaa jala jalaan kan gabaafnu tahuu gamanumaa Qeerroon hubachiifna.

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