Attam Yaa Obbo Bariisaa

Posted: Guraandhala/February 25, 2014 · Gadaa.com

Editor’s Note: The following poem by Rev. Gudina Tumsa was first published on the Bariisaa Oromo newspaper in 1976, and it was republished on The Gulele Post on January 31, 2014, with an introduction by Oromo human rights activist Ob. Jawar Mohammed.

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(The Gulele Post) – The following poem was composed by the late Rev. Gudina Tumsa, and published onBariisaa, the first Oromo newspaper. Rev. Tumsa was known for his devotion to his faith and being a vocal advocate of social justice. He is credited for providing crucial material and intellectual support for the then emerging Oromo national struggle. He was an avid writer and left important manuscripts on spiritual and social issues. From reading the poem, it appears that the Reverend composed it with a dual purpose in mind; one to express his views on contemporary issues of the time, while at the same time, contributing to strengthening the fledgling single Afaan Oromo news and literary outlet. The small Oromo intelligentsia of that time seem to have made a coordinated effort in filling the pages of Bariisaa as a way to alleviate the burden from the understaffed and regularly harassed editorial team led by Mohadi Mude. As expected Rev. Tumsa led by example by placing his contribution on the second publication after the launching. His poem was published in 1976 (68 EC) just a few years before he was murdered by Mengistu’s regime in 1979.

Mr. Mude graciously re-published (in 1996) selected poems from the newspaper in a volume titled “Walaloo Bariisaa.” In this book we find captivating revolutionary poems by prominent individuals, such as Shantam Shubbisa, Alemayo Qubee, Sheik Bakri Saphalo, Mangasha Rikitu and many others. I have taken the liberty of sharing Rev. Tumsa’s poem in order to invite readers to this interesting piece, and also to attract attention to this important collection. I am indebted to Abbaa Urjii (Abdurashid Mohammed) of Toronto – who provided me with the book.

Attam Yaa Obbo Bariisaa
Rev. Gudina Tumsaa
(Bariisaa Vol.1, No.2, Bitootessa 3, 1968)

Baga nagaan galte yaa Obbo Bariisaa

Koottu waldhungannaa maddi walii keessa

Walarguun firootaa  jireenya mi’eessaa

Deemtee turte jedhuu biyya fagoo keessaa

Baay’inni firootakee eessaa fi eessaa

Jedhee siif katabaa Qees Guddinaa Tumsaa

Maalif baddee turte ji’a ja’an sanaa

Firri akkas walgodhaa maali wanti akkanaa

Baay’ee si komanne yaa Obbo Bariisaa

Gar gar ba’uun keenya waan baay’ee balleessaa

Mee egaa odeessi dhoksaa garaa keetii

Nu’oo walii firaa maa sodaatte atii?

Maalif biyyaa baate ji’a ja’a guutuu?

Fira baayyee qabda maali hin himattuu?

Biyyichi fagoodhaa essa deemtee turte?

Ji’a ja’a guutuu maalif si fudhate

Maaloo natti himadhu anuu siin gargaara

Waa’ee kee odeeffataa turre fira kan keetirraa

Yaa Obbo bariisaa maal atoo hin dubbattuu

Warri firoota kee akkam si hubatu

Kiiloo meetirii meeqa deemte ji’a ja’a guutuu

Karaa dheeraa kana mukuun sin ajjeeftuu?

Fira qabda turte kan wajiin dubbattu

Natti himi biyyicha lafa dhaqxee turte

Dabali haasa’i akka itti bubbulte

Hindii deemteetta biyya rivolushinii?

Yammuu achi turte maal sitti odeessanii?

Jeneevaa bulteettaa yammuu karaa deemtu?

Si’a nama argitu afaan maalii haasoftu

Yammuu Raashaa geesse biyya dimokraasii

Haasofteertaa kan sigamsiise waa’ee birokraasii

Waa beekuun barbaada waa’ee baruumsa kee

Akka sitti hin deebine dubbiin dhukkuba kee

Baruumsa attam galteettaa akkaadaamii

Ti’oorii fi hojiidhaan akkatti adeemmii

Dhageessiftee deemte dhugaa bira geessee

Kunookaa deebitee biyya abbaakee teessee

Dhugaadhaan faradnaan Gadaa bira geenyaa

Bara seerri Gadaa uffee jennee teenyaa

Seerri dimokraasii wal nama qixxeessaa

Atoo ammayyuu ijoollee dha mugguttii bartee

Attamin muggutee afaan fudhen hima jettee

Maal jette falmatte dubadhu  na hubachiisaa

Yammuu malakee dhaga’u garaankoo na cuiisaa

Seera moofaa durii qulqulleessaa har’a

Itti lixaa jira seerri dimokraasi isa haaraa

Haxaa’aa! haraa hurgufaa kan nama cunqursu birokraasii

Jarjare haa dhaabbatu  walqixxummaan asii

Yaa birokraasii diina sooshalizmii

Ijji kee lafa haa lixu jedhii hilmii

Lallabi dhageessisi awwaala birokraasii

Hundu du’a ga’iisa haa ga’u iyya labsi

Poletikaan saba bal’aa nama hin rakkisu

Warri birokraasii garuu gad harkisuu

Burraaqi utaali gelsii ba’ii raadiyorraa

Of beeksisi sagaleen kee haa dhaga’amu biyya hundarraa

Baga nagaan galte jaala koo Bariisaa

Kan fedhe ta’uyyuu biyyiti ofii ba’eessaa

Silaa odeessiteettaa biyya ormaa dhaquukee

Maliif natti hin himtu waa’ee laga kan kee

Maqaa masoon walwaamnaa haa hafu ulfinni

Biyya sooshaalizimii hinjiru wal caaluuni

Obboon nutti haa hafu sinwaammadha jedhe bari’ee bari’ee

Galuukee hin dhageenye Kumaa ilmi Ida’ee

Ceetee turte jedhu Waabee shaballee

Dakteetaa laata galaana Gannaalee

Xuriin namatti hinbaatu yoo dhiqatan malee

Wanjiin otuu jiruu Awaash xurii hin baasu yoo dhiqatanuu

Dhiqatteetta jedh bisaan qulqulluu galaana Saganuu

Omotti hin dhiqattuu Gojaboo ba’eessaa

Argatteettaa laata Dabanaaf Dhidheessaa

Hin irraanfattaa Baaroodhaafi Abbayyaan hamma kana keessaa

Walargita laataa Kiflee ilma Jootee

Silaa sibarsiisaa kan Wallkaggaa nyaata hancootee

Dubbadhu yaa Bariisaa ilma eega fidii

Jabanni toleeraa guddisii gammadii

Jabeessi dha’adhu fardakee kaachisi

Qaata bira geesse Gadaa seera dimokraasii

Bariisaa, Bariisaa, bari’ii, Bari’ii, Bari’ii

Hundee wallaalummaa buqqisi ari’ii, ari’ii, ari’ii

Kophaa kee baafadhuu baadiyyaa dhaqii

Akka ijoollee mandaraa hin sodaatin laaqii

Daandii irraa maqi dhaqi gara gandaa

Saba guddaa argitaa kan dhaggeeffatan Tamasgan Gammadaa

Odeessituu  gaazexaafi radiyonaan saba Gadaa

Kan baay’atu akka tuqa gandaa

Jajjabeessi yaa Bariisaa qottuu barsiisi

Tattaffatan barri hindarbaa beeksisi

Baga nagaaan galte maal sii fidee dhufu

Qoraatii ciruudhaan akka sittintaane gufuu

Nan dhufa si dubbisuu ‘hark fuudhaa’ fidee

Waa’ee kee dhageenyaan hirribni na didee

Nagaa koo naa himi warra sidubbisu

Nu gargar hinbaanu baruma baraanuu

Yoo obsaan hojjatan waan baay’etu argamaa

Ilmichi Tumsaa jedhee sitti dhaamaa

Statement from the Leadership of the Oromia Media Network (OMN)

Posted: Guraandhala/February 24, 2014 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com | Comments (18)

Oromia Media Network will be inaugurated on March 1, 2014.

Oromia Media Network (OMN) is a product of the unwavering spirit of the Oromo people, and their firm belief in freedom of expression and freedom of thought. We believe that the primary purpose of any media establishment is to offer thoughtful perspective on various issues. Cognizant of this, OMN is our grand step towards reclaiming our voice, the voice of truth and fair representation. We are elated to announce that Oromia Media Network will be launched on March 1st, 2014 in the heart of Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Oromia Media Network is an independent, nonpartisan and nonprofit news enterprise whose mission is to produce original, impartial, citizen-driven reporting. The goal of this network is to create multilingual news and programs that will serve as a reliable source of information in the greater horn of Africa region. OMN will offer perspectives grounded in objectivity rather than propaganda. It will uphold international core journalistic and ethical standards of truthfulness, objectivity, integrity, and public accountability while offering a uniquely Oromo perspective. These principles are integrated and adopted into our core values and editorial policy as a media entity.

OMN has a structural governing body that consists of the Board of Trustees, Executive Council and Editorial Board. The Board of Trustees is supervisory body of OMN, while the Executive Council is responsible for the overall management of the organization. The Editorial Board is charged with the development and production of news and other programs.

From Ayub Abubakar, who was murdered because he established the first Afaan Oromo radio in Mogadishu city, Somalia in 1960s, to Lelise Wodajo, who has just been forced into exile after years in jail, Oromo people and Oromo journalists in particular have sacrificed and paid the ultimate price for freedom of expression, to bring truth to light and tell their story in their own way. This project is the latest in this ardent effort to have our voice heard free from intimidation and censorship. We believe that the historic establishment of this media network is an integral part of the multifaceted struggle of the Oromo and other oppressed people to regain their freedom. This is evident in the unreserved support we have been receiving since we initiated this project. It is our collective effort that made it possible for us to stand at this pivotal point in our history.

Therefore, on behalf of the OMN leadership and the team that labored so hard to make this dream a reality, we take great pleasure in inviting Oromo and friends to join us for this historical inauguration at 2 PM on Saturday, March 1st, 2014 at University of Minnesota.

Hamza Abdurezak (PhD), Chairman of Board of Trustees
Girma Tadesse, Executive Director

Oromia Media Network (OMN)

Governing by Circumvention

Firehiwot Guluma Tezera

By Firehiwot Guluma Tezera | February 26, 204

Their first move upon assuming power was to declare that Ethiopia, would henceforth, be a Federal Democratic Republic consisting of ‘nations and nationalities’. These nations and nationalities will have equal rights. Each of them shall have its own flag, language, borders, and parliament. Those that are unhappy with the union have the right to secede.

According to Article 39, in section 3 of this constitution which deals with the rights of nations and nationalities: “Every nationality in Ethiopia shall have the full right to administer itself .This right shall include the right to establish government institutions within the territory it inhabits and the right to fair representation in the federal and state governments.”

The TPLF further undertook to end the highlander domination of Ethiopian politics in the past and promised that every Ethiopian will enjoy his/her share in the economic and political sphere of the country. Many rejoiced when they heard these from the TPLF – which was, itself, a highlander guerrilla party founded on secessionist platform – and wholeheartedly welcomed it.

But it was not to be so. The Oromo’s were the first to discover this treachery when their political organization (OLF) withdrew in response to unfair election practices held on June 21,1992, the leaders either arrested, killed or made to flee the country, when they tried to get their rights using the legally allowed provisions in the TPLF drafted constitution. Also other political organization that disagreed with TPLF was led to slaughter house and chopped down. The provision of constitution which guaranteed freedom of thought, speech, association and other fundamental human right, took a holiday.

Again in 2005, when the regime organized elections thinking it will win, surprisingly the opposition had outperformed the EPRDF coalition and won the election. But the regime did not honor its word, and as was expected, rigged the election and declared itself winner of the vote.  The people took to the streets and protested against the election swindle. The regime, again as was expected, but not so harshly, resorted to brute force by gunning down the peaceful protestors right in center of the metropolitan city of Addis Ababa in the full view of the whole world. The regime declared the protestors as anarchists, thugs, violent mobs, and arsonists, criminals who were instructed by their party bosses to cause chaos and illegally topple the government. Subsequently, the leaders of the opposition were rounded up, charged with trumped up accusations and thrown into jails.

After the crackdown of the opposition many Ethiopians realized they could not unseat the TPLF democratically and started agitating for an armed struggle, created groups such as the Ginbot 7 and others.

The regime devised a subterfuge campaign to divide the ruled along ethnic lines in order to dominate and exploit them. When they were fighting the OLF they sold a vile propaganda to other ethnic groups, specifically to amharas, and said that Oromo are racist and narrow minded people, if OLF come to power, they will expand waqefata religion. Many listened to this nonsense as it echoed historically held perceptions about Oromo in Ethiopia.

Already the regime had panicked had even started sending, through backdoor channels, emissaries to representatives of the parties concerned. The message of the TPLF emissaries is again the same old tired clichés. To the Oromo, they say:  the Amhara will not allow you to break away from Ethiopia; they’re only using you and they’re unwilling to forfeit their ‘Ethiopia Andinet’ concept, and so on. The same old game. It seems the TPLF has run out of ideas and is still regurgitating the only thing it knows best: the ethnic and clan cards.

However all things circumvention will eventually run aground and be exposed.  It is time to say in union:  Enough, to the TPLF and its rule of circumvention!

BUQQIFAMA OROMOOTA SHAGGARII fi NAANNOO ISAA – Kutaa Lammaffaa

Taammanaa Bitimaa irraa | Guraandhala 27, 2014

DURADUBBII

Barreeffama kutaa tokkoffaa akka argattanii dubbiftan nan abdaddha. Isa dabre matadurree “SEENSA” jedhamu jalatti otoo hin xumuratin bulleeyyu. Kunis waan barreeffanni sun dheeratee isin hin nuffisiifnee fi yeroo keessan isin jalaa hin balleessineef jedhameeti. Yeroo ammaa kana jiruu fi jireenyi namoota keenyas tahee kanneen biroo olii-gadi fiffiigsisaa, waan jiruuf yeroon nama jalaa hanqata. Ani kanaafan barreeffata kanas tahee, kanneen biroo kutaa kutaan gaggabaabsee dhiyeessuu filaddhe. Isinis mala kana akka deeggartan nan abdaddha. Egaa, mee amma bakkuma dhaabate sana irraa kaaafameeti itti-fufamaa, kutaa isa kanas mee duukaa-bu’uuf yaalaa!

SEENSA

Ammas seenaa Oromoota Kurnan Gullallee isa nama boochisuu fi isa nama boonsisuu sanitu itti-fufama. Kan nama boochisu: waan gara-jabeessummaan daangaa hin qabne, warra Minilik gorraatota uummata Oromoo fi uummatoota Kibbaa sanaan irratti adeemsifameefi. Kan nama boonsisu garuu, kutannoo fi jagnummaa Oromoota Gullallee kana. Ni yaadattu yoo tahe, kutaa tokkoffaa keessatti: “Akkuman kanaan dura barreefamoota kiyya lamaa-sadii keessatti ibsuuf yaale, gichilloonni Gullallee kun, ee gichilloonni sanyii gichillootaa waraana Minilik isa guguddaa ennaa lama moyanii ofirraa deebisaniiti, isa sadaffaa irratti humna qawwee ibiddaatiin moyamuu dandayani.” Jedheetan tureeyyu.

Namoonni keenya tokko tokko, kanneen keessaa gariin kan waayee seenaa Oromoo sirriitti hin qalbeeffatin, “raas” warra Habashaa Goobana Daaccii waan naannoo Oromiyaa isa Tuulamaa-Macca, jechuun Oromiyaa Waltajjii irraa bayeef, Oromoonni naannoo kanaa marti waan isa duukaa turan itti-fakkaata. Barumsa Oromoo: isa mana ofiitti ibidda qaqqaammachaa baratan san, isa bakka Oromoon walgaye maratti ibsamu san, isa gaafa namni du’ee beektonni seenaa namoonni sadii ka’anii lallabaan ibsan san, isa gafa goonni, jagni, gamni, arjaanii fi namni uummataan jaalatamu du’e, fardi maxaabiriin fe’amuun yaa’ee, namni akka loltuu warra Lixaa kanaatti kan qabu qawwee qabatee, kan dhabe immoo eeboo faa, shimala faa qabateetoo tarree galee yaa’u san keessatti beektonni seenaa sangaa fardaatiin olii-gad garmaamaa “eessan dhaqxu” jechaa, seenaa nama sanii, kan warra isaa hanga babala 12 faatti, seenaa lammii (qomoo) fi gosa isaa faa himan keessatti kan dhiyaatu san callaa irraayyii miti. Isa gaafasuma yeedalloo “oofan” jedhamuun:*

“Oofan, oofan-oofan! (isa baasu)
Oofan, oofan! (warra jalaa qabu)
Oofan, oofan-oofan!
Oofan, oofan!
Abbaan biyyaa du’ee
Egaa seerri badee maaltu walgaafataa? (tarreen afran kunis kan isa baasuti)
Ee, maaltu walgaafataa! (w.j.)
Abbaa bokkuu du’ee
Egaa seerri badee maaltu walgaafataa?
Eekaa, maaltu walgaafataa!

Qaccee gootaa,yaa gootakoo! (i.b.)
Ee, yaa gootakoo! (w.j.)
Sanyii Abbaa Gadaa, yaa leencakoo! (i.b.)
Ee, ee yaa leencakoo! (w.j)
Qaccee Halloo Bokkuu yaa leencakoo! (i. b.)
Dhuguma-kaa yaa leencakoo! (w j.) **

Dhiyaatu san qofa keessattis miti. Barreessitoonni Biyya Faranjii jechuun Oroppaa bara akaakayyuu Minilik faa irraa kaasanii, waraanuma warra Habashaa duukaa deemuun kan barreessanii, tarreessanii kaayantu jira. Barreessitoota keenya keessaa isa kana kan faaraan dubbisee faaraan dhimma ittiin bawu, obboleessi keenya Barachiis (Pirof.) Makuraa Bulchaa qofa, jechuutoo dandayama.*** Anis wanneen akkanaatti hedduun giroo ittiin baya. Amaan tana silaa ijoolleen warra abbaa mancaas sun nutti ka’anii, waraana isaanii xuraawaa fi cubbamaa kanaanillee “waraana qulqulluu” jedhanii, nuti sirriitti galmee seenaa jala-deemuun isa keessaa, dhugaa fi dhugoo guggurree addunyaa fuulduratti akka jarreen kun qullaa ofii dhaabatanii muldhatan isaan taasisuu dha.

Naannolee Afran Walisoo fi Jahan Bachootti: “Oromoon goonda-dhaa boolla goondaa harka hin kaayini! Oromoon kanniisaa gaagura kanniisaa hin horfini!“, jedhe Bitimaa Soondhessaa jedhama. Kan inni jedheef, nafxanyoota fi mootummaa isaanii isa manneen hidhaa Karcallee faatti, mana hidhaa namni seene hin baane, kan golfaan nama galaafatu, “Mana Hidhaa Ejersaa” isa magaalaa Walisoo cinaatti Laga Ejersaa irratti ijaarame faa sanaafi. Warra hardha “boolla goondaa harka” kaawuu fi “gaagura kanniisaa” horfuun, addunyaa gara fuulduraatti daran tarkaanfatte tana keessatti gara duubaatti daran deebiyuun: Aannolee, Calanqoo, Gullallee fi Darraa faatti “siidaan Minilik haa ijaaramu” nuun jedhan kana, dhugaa fi dhugoo qabannee dura gorra! Yommuu kana goonus miseensota gita-bittee isaanii fi muummiyyeewwan (iliitota) isaanii kanaa fi uummata isanii addaan-baafachuuni. Aadaa keenya keessaa isa safuu fi safeefata jedhamuu fi isa amantii Oromoo Waaqeffannaa keessatti: “ilmoon namaa hundi, afaan namaa hundi, amantiin namaa hundi — faa waan uumaa WAAQAA tahaniif kabajamuu qabu!” jedhamu, daqiiqaa takkaafillee hin irraanfannu! Eekaa, otoo Tokkummaan Mootummoota Waltahanii (ToMoWa - “UNO“) bara 1945 keessa kanneen akkanaa kana hin labsin dura, durii durii yaa’ii ofii kan Gadaa irratti tumateeyyu Oromoon keenya. Nuuf kana faatu qaroomina (“civilization“) sonaan tarkaanfate keessatti ramadama.

Akkanuma warra ammas, bardhibbee 21-ffaa kana keessallee uummata Oromoo isa naannoo magaalaa Finfinnee Shaggar, warra dur buqqifama Minilik faa adeemsisan sana irraa mimmiliqee hafe, buqqisaa jiran kanas dhugaa fi dhugoo qabannee dura gorra. Dura gorrees sagalee tokkoon addunyaa guutuutti, ilmoo namaa hundatti dhageessifanna! Haa tahuutii, kutaan kun asuma irratti dhaabata. Kutaa isa kanatti aanee dhufu keessatti waayee seenaa Oromoota Gullallee, seenaa isaanii isan waggaalee hedduu dura walitti qabe keessaan waa isiniif dhiyeessaa, mee hammasitti nagaa fi nageenyi qeyee hunda keessanii irraa hin dhabamini!

==============    Hubachiisota Miiljalee    ==============

* Inni “oofan” jedhamu kun keessumaa naannolee: Sadeen Sooddoo, Afran Walisoo, Kudhalamaan Caboo, Jahan Ammayyaa fi Torban Kuttaayee faatti akka malee beekamaa dha. Kun kan jedhamuuf: warra abbootii biyyaa, abbootii Gadaa, gootota, jagnoota fi gamnoota fayiifi! Waanan bara 1998 keessa magaalaa Walisootti waayee naannoo Wancii, isa magaalaa Walisoo irra kiilomeetira 30 callaa fagaate argamuu, abbootii seenaa Afran Walisoo beekamoo keessaa tokko kan ture, Baqqalaa Bantii Beellamoo Roggee irraa dhagayeen as irratti isiniif yoon dhiyeesse, waayee “Oofanii” kana sirriitti isinii addeessa. Bara Darguu irraa kaasee: “dhuudhaan oofanii kun borcamaa deemee, abbaadhuma fe’eefuu “oofan” jechuun calqabame. Booda beekaa fi gamni Wancii, Baqqalaa Magarsaa Ita’aa yaa’ii Wancii irratti yaada tokko dhiyeesse. Kunis dhuudhaan oofanii baduu hin qabu. Yoo namni hundumtuu wal haa qixxaatu kan jettan ta’emmoo eenyumaafuu “oofan” jechuun haa hafu.” Erga baay’ee irratti mariyatamee booda walumaa galteen nama hundumaa walqixxeessuuf jedhamee, akka gaaf sana irraa kaasee eenyumaafuu “oofan” hin jedhamne dhoowwame. Booda xinnoo ture Baqqalaa Magarsaa du’e. Wanci guutuun yaa’ee, Qaqaldhii fi Caboonis itti-dabalamanii isa “oofan” jechaa awwaalani. Warri Baqqalaa Magarsaa Ita’aa Golgaa Goolee otoo Sidaamni biyya keenya hin qababatin, warra yaa’ii gadaatiin filamuun biyya bulchan turani. Isaan warra abbootii biyyaa kan Wancii keessatti argamu. Kanaaf, gaafa inni du’e sana biyyi buqqa’ee bawuun isa “oofan” jechuun gaggeesse.”

** Halloo Bokkuu gootota akkaan beekamoo kan naannoo Afran Walisoo keessaa isa tokko. Inni abbaa Ilaansoo Halloo, gooticha bara warranni Minilik biyya Afran Walisoo
dirree waraanaatti cabsee qabate sana qabamee, gara Ankoobaritti dabarfamuun mana hidhaa keessatti du’ee sanaati. Ilaansoo Halloo otoo gara biyya Habashaatti hin
dabarfamin mana hidhaa isa jalqabaa, kan nafxanyoonni naannoo kanatti dursanii ijaarratan keessa taa’ee, walaloodhaan kan dhaadate kanaan dura isinii dhiyeesseen ture.

*** Mee barreeffata Prof. Makuraa Bulchaa isa “gadaa.com“, irratti baye: “A Decade after the Aborted Oromo Eviction from Finfinnee: A Persistent Story of Expropriation, Humiliation
and Displacement“, ilaalaa!

In Memory of Obbo Bekele Nadhi

Posted: Guraandhala/February 21, 2014 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com | Comments

By Ayele Zewge Bojia*
The devastating news of the death of the legendary leader of Macha and Tulama Association, Obbo Bekele Nadhi, was received with deep grief and sorrow. The passing away of such a notable leader, apart from causing an instantaneous grief and agony, usually has got a special power of inducing a moment of reflection by many others. Obbo Bekele Nadhi’s death is one such moment that has got that unique power of spurring thousands to stop for a while, and reflect on the path they have traversed thus far and destined to traverse in the future, too. This is basically so due to the mere fact that he and his alike had played a significant role in a distinctly visible chapter of modern Oromo political history that stretches over the preceding half a century.
By way of paying tribute, let me briefly state some essential facts about Obbo Bekele Nadhi.
During his early student days, he managed to garner valuable experience and exposure from the role he played in his capacity as a leader of the student union of the then “Emperor Haile Selassie 1^st University,” and was also chosen and received an award as “All Round Student of the Year.”
Again, while he was studying for his LLM in a prestigious Canadian McGill University, he represented his University to various forums with utmost distinction in his capacity as the leader of the students union. In this same capacity, he proudly represented African students in “Afro Asian Clubs Conference” and was also chosen to serve as a Editor in Chief of popular student magazine of ESUNA (Ethiopian Student Union in North America.)
The greatest and loftiest contributions of Obbo Bekele Nadhi’s were the ones that were intertwined with the history of Macha and Tulama movement.
Obbo Bekele Nadhi had led this association as Vice President and later as an Interim President, and in the process, he had become one of those iconic figures who attained a level of being considered as institutions in their own right.
A close look at the history of this association and the magnificent movement it led shows that every single Macha and Tulama Association leader has got one’s own unique niche area of contribution that each brought to the association, thus constituting an integral part in the making of the superb whole. Seen from this perspective, Obbo Bekele Nadhi’s niche area could be mentioned as the intellectual, diplomatic and the moderate face of an otherwise militant movement. To the association itself, he used to be the never ending source of financial capability, especially during those difficult days when the association was forced to go through during the mid 60’s.
Just to cite a single incident at which he distinguished himself with one of his many heroic deeds: it occurred in conjunction with the threat posed with respect to the legal status of the association. In what amount to public lynching, senior security advisors of the Emperor tried in futility to intimidate and force Obbo Bekele to publicly express the dissolution of the association right there and right then – in a much similar way other attendees had already expressed on the venue they prepared solely for this purpose. Obbo Bekele, who was fully aware of the fact that the whole drama was staged, aiming at his association and himself, boldly and heroically, expressed his unflinching position by stating; “I do not belong to the association that I can dissolve right here and right now in front of you. I belong to the association that is established by like minded members to whom I am primarily accountable to. I can communicate what you expect to be done by already existing associations to members. I believe the ultimate decision on the destiny of the association I am representing rests with members who established it.”
Though this statement, seen by any measurement, was correct, truthful and even legal, it was taken as an affront to the authority of the Emperor by opportunist elements in attendance. Some even angrily demanded for immediate reprimand of the speaker. All these barrage of accusations and threats did not sway this hero from sticking to his principled position.
Despite the fact that he was portrayed as a person defying the authority of the Emperor, he was believed to have been spared from incarceration due to the fact that the imperial regime was intent at minimizing the political fallout from the repressive measure it was taking against the leaders of this association. As a legal advisor to the Ministry of Finance and the then Bank of Agriculture and Industry, Ob. Bekele used to maintain close contact with the leaders of a number of bilateral and multilateral agencies operating in the country. The wide name recognition and respect he commanded in this circle seemed to have imposed a great deal of self restraint on the part of the Imperial regime from including Obbo Bekele Nadhi in the detainees list.
It is unfortunate to lose him by the time we are eagerly looking forward to once again hearing from founders like him in conjunction with the forthcoming 50^th anniversary of the establishment of this Association. Macha and Tulama Association did not have an office or legal personality starting from late 1960’s all the way to the beginning of 1990’s. The absence of these things did not deter this association from staging an impressive come back during the early 1990’s when situation so demanded. This phenomenon clearly shows that Macha Tulama needs favorable legal environment for the mere purpose of expediting its operations and not, at any rate, for the purpose of its existence. Leaders like Obbo Bekele has taught us and even made it possible for us for such things to happen. That is why we confidently assert that Macha Tulama Association will never be exiled, and hence the forthcoming 50^th anniversary will primarily be celebrated in the very place it was established. Wherever we are, it is proper and beneficial to reflect on the history of this association and its beloved and respected leaders like Obbo Bekele Nadhi during the forthcoming 50^th anniversary, hopefully and preferably on the forums of community associations.
Finally, my heart goes out to his family and all those Macha and Tulama community members who will undoubtedly be so much aggrieved at the loss of our hero.
February 16, 2014

 

Ethiopia’s Governing Party is Rotten to the Core

By Aklog Birara, PhD | February 21, 2014
The fundamental premise of this commentary is that only genuine commitment to FREEDOM and human rights of all citizens would assure Ethiopians sustainable and equitable growth and improvements in their lives. In turn, it is the institutionalization of these norms through free and fair elections that will establish a firm foundation for lasting peace and national reconciliation–singularly the most critical governance gaps in Ethiopia. Sadly, evolution toward this people-centered governance that I believe is essential for all Ethiopians is nowhere in sight if left to the governing party. The core group of this party believes that it can do no wrong. Instead of reform, the ruling party has gone haywire strengthening its spy network using the latest Internet technology to suppress any form of dissent and challenge. Revelations in the Washington Post that individuals in the US and the UK have filed suits against the Ethiopian government’s breach of domestic and international laws by spying and snooping on American, UK citizens and other citizens of Ethiopian origin says it all. Simply put, each member of the Diaspora is subjected to violation of her/his rights regardless of ethnicity, religious, age, gender and social status. This extension is an affront to civilized behavior and to our humanity. The post Meles TPLF/EPRDF is unable to reform itself willingly. This is because the rest of us are divided, fractured and spend as much time demeaning one another as we do blasting the ruling party. Why is this so important?
In this century, we see everywhere that durable peace and stability can only be imposed from the top down by force only temporarily. Elections can be manipulated and bought as was the case in 2007 only temporarily. The people of Syria are paying a huge price, including their lives and livelihood because they want freedom and democracy. The people of Ukraine are fighting their own government for the same thing. Stifling peaceful dissent for justice is universal and has no boundaries no matter how harsh people are treated.

BUQQIFAMA OROMOOTA SHAGGARII fi NAANNOO ISAA – Kutaa Tokkoffaa

Taammanaa Bitimaa irraa | Guraandhala 22, 2014
DURADUBBII
Barreeffamni matadureen isaa: “Stop Clearing Oromo from their Land in the name of boosting economic development – Who will stand for the Oromo’s living on the outskirts of Finfinnee?” jedhamu, kan  maqaa “Sabbontoota Oromoo” jedhun, gaafa 11. 02. 14 mandhee Oromoo “ayyaantuu.com” irratti maxxanfamee baye, akkan ani amma waraqaa tana dhiyeessuuf na kaase. Wanni barreeffama sana keessatti kaafame kan hedduu nama naasisu, kan hedduu aariin nama bobeessuu fi kan xiiqii fi booree-dhaan ol nama kakaasu! Barreeffamni sun qorannoo fi xiinxala hunde-qabeessa irratti kan bu’ureeffame. Kan nama dhibu garuu, Oromoonni biyyambaa (“diaspora“) jiran dubbii cimtuu fi dubbii lafee tanaaf, qalbii fi xiyyeeffannoo hin kennineefi. Ani gaafan waraqaa sana dubbise, waan xiyyeeffannoon keenya akkuma waayee wallisaa Teddy Afroo jedhamuu fi waayee Biiraa Baddallee sanaa natti fakkaateyyu.
Dubbii sabaa fi uummata Oromoo sirriitti ilaalu kana, dhagayanii bira cewuun kun kan daran nama gaddisiisuu, ilaa amma callifni kun dhaabachuu qaba! Dubbiin tun dubbii Oromoota naannoo jedhame kana irraa buqqifamanii fi ammallee buqqifamaa jiranii qofa otoo hin taane, dubbii: uummata Oromoo, saba Oromoo fi biyya Oromoo, Oromiyaa ilaalu! Dubbii Oromoota alaa-manaa “iyyaa iyya dabarsaa“-n iyyisiisee olkaasuu qabu! Kanaaf, barreeffanni kiyya inni harraa kun kana irratti xiyyeeffamee, yoo yeroo argattan mee duukaa-bu’aa!
SEENSA
Habashoonni waggaalee 140 dura humna qawwee fi humna biyyoota alaatiin biyya keenya cabsanii harkatti galfatan kun, ammallee humna qawweetiin uummataa fi saba keenya jilbeeffachiisanii bitaa jiru. Bara himame isa akkaan dheeraa kana keessa, mootummoonni Habashaa gariin dhufanii dabranii jiru. Haatahu malee, kan dhufeetoo hin dabarre: hacuccaa, roorroo fi gabrummaa isaanii kana. Uummannii Oromoo hamma harraatti mootummoota Habashaa shan keessa kutee kunoo amma isa jahaffaa jalatti argama. Mootummoonni kun mootummaa: Minilik, Iyyaasuu, Zawudituu, Hayila-Sillaasee, Darguu (kan Mangistuu Hayila-Maaram) fi kan Wayyaaneeti. Mootummoonni shanan kun kan warra Amaaraa yoo tahan, inni jahaffaa fi inni ammaa kun kan warra Tigreeti. Habashoonni Amaaraa bara mootummoota isaanii wanneen hamoo fi suukkaneessoo kan humni isaanii dandaye mara, uummata Oromoo fi uummatoota Kibbaa irraatti adeemsisaniiti jiru.

Isaan waan akka Hitler Yihudoota gorraasisee qaama isaanii irraa gaasii baafachuu san duwwaatu isaan hafe. Kanas waan saayinsii fi teeknolojii- dhaan akka mootummaa Hitler san hin sokkineefi malee, Oromoo fi Walaayitaa faa, Somaalee fi Sidaamaa faa, Kafichoo fi Gimiraa faa, warra Gambeellaa fi uummatoota Sulula Laga Omoo faa mararfataniitii miti. Kan Minilik harma-muraa fi harka-muraa, dhiiga ilmoo namaa xuuxxachiisaa fi dhala namaatiin daldalaa sana, isa bara akkoolee fi akaakaawwan keenyaa adeemsifame callaaa otoo hin taane, ijuma keenya duratti mootummaan Darguu sun uummata gorra’ee, gorraasisee karaa irratti reeffa isaanii darbata ture. Kana bira kuteeyyuu horii fi horoo rasaasa namni ittiin ajjeefamee deebifachuuf, reeffa ilmoo nama mana fayyaa (hospitaala) keessatti gurguree, gurgursiifata ture.
Buqqifamni uummata Oromoo isa Shaggar guddichaa fi naannoo isaa jiruu, kan jalqabame ammaa miti. Kun bara Minilik irraa jalqabee kan itti-fufamaa as gaye. Harra uummata Oromoo keessaa gosoolii sadiitu lafa bulchaa magaalaa Shaggar jalatti argama. Isaanis: Kurnaan Gullallee, Sadeen Eekkaa fi Jahan Galaani. Isaan kana keessaa immoo bara Minilik warri buqqifaman Gullallee fi Eekkaa dha. Akkuman kanaan dura barreefamoota kiyya lamaa-sadii keessatti ibsuuf yaale, gichilloonni Gullallee kun, ee gichilloonni sanyii gichillootaa waraana Minilik isa guguddaa ennaa lama moyanii ofirraa deebisaniiti, isa sadaffaa irratti humna qawwee ibiddaatiin moyamuu dandayani. Kanas isaan oggaa sana dhibbaa dhibbatti seera Gadaatiin bulu waan taheef, yaa’ii isaanii isa Tulluu Daalattii: bakka erga Mallas du’ee asii, Hayila-Maaram Dassaalanyi taa’ee,  hojii warra Wayyaanee fixaan-baasu kana, jechuun kan warri abbaa qawwee afaan qawwee sanan “Taallaaquu Beeta-mangist” jedhaniin sana irratti. Kunoo akka armaan gadii jedheeti yaa’iin Kurnan Gullallee bara 1875 keessa, sagalee tokkoon waraana Minilik isa ibidda tufaa sa’aa-nama, margaa-lafa barbadeessaa deemu sana dura gore.
Murteen yaa’ii seena-qabeessa kanaa gariin isaa barreessaa fi qorataa, nama Biyya Xaaliyaanii: “Ernisto Cerulli – The Folk-Literature of the Galla of Southern Abyssinia, Cambridge, 1922“, keessatti barreeffamee jira. Kanaa gaditti kan Oromoon Kurnan Gullallee yaa’ii  sana irratti dabarse keessaan isiniif dhiyeessa. Inni kun kanan ani manguddoolee naannoo Shaggar irraa dhagayuun, walitti qabe keessayyi fuudhame. Barreefama kiyya kan bara 2004 keessa, kitaabee ijaarsa Oromoo ULFO, tan “MANDIISUU” jedhamtu irratti baye, keessaa fuudhame*:
“Koottu,
Dhufe,
Akka ati dhufte,
Nagaan biyyattaa dhufu,
Toltuun warrattaa dhufu,
Kormi gorbattaa dhufu,
Midhaan qeyeettaa dhufu.
Tume seera,
Muree seera,
Seerri seera Gullalleeti,
Seerri seera Tuulamaati,
Seerri seera abbootii Oromooti,
Hin darbatamu,
Hin dagatamu!
Luugama fadarraan baasin,
Meendhacha harkarraan baasin,
Kan dhufaa jiru diinaa,
Diinatti harkan kennatin,
Dhakaa kattaa tayii,
Dura ijaajji,
Wantaa baldhaa tayii,
Dura ijaajji!
Tume seera,
Mure seera,
Hin darbatamu,
Hin dagatamu!”
“Seerri yaa’iin Oromoo Gullallee dabarse kun walaloo-dhaan tahuun isaa, walaloon hawaasa Oromoo keessatti hammam bakka olaanaa akka qabu nutti agarsiisa. Kurnan Gullallee murtee kana dabarsee, kutannoo cimaadhaan warana warra Abashaa isa meeshaa Oroppaa hidhatee, warra Oroppaatinis leenjifame dura dhaabate. Boods akka uummanni keenya jedhutti “qawwee ibiddaatin” gubatee, mo’amuu dandaye.“**
Mee ammas waan dubbii nuu gabaabsuufan kitaabee-dhuma “MAANDIISUU“, sana keessaa isiniif dhiyeessa. “San booda Minilik kun isa hanqatee, ammas haaloo bawuuf, Oromoo Gullallee jiddu-galeessa Shaggar keessa jiraatu, isaantu kana sade jedhee, kan dhumaatii irraa hafe buqqise. Oromoon Gullallee wiirtuu Shaggar, naannoo Hora Finfinnee faa jiraatu, warra warraan faffaca’ee, gara obbolaa isaa gara naannoo Oromoota birootti baqate. Kaan Meettaa, Galaan, Sooddo, Bacho, Ada’a Bargaa, Waliso, Kuttaaye faatti baqatee, boodas isaanin moggaafamee hafe.“*** Inni kun buqqifama Oromoota Kurnan Gullallee isa jalqabaati. Buqqifamni Oromoo Gullallee seena-qabeessichaa fi boonsisaa kanaa, ammas kitaabee-dhuma armaan olitti kaafamtee keessaayyyi isiniif dhiyaata.
Gara “Waggaa kudhanii booda (1887-1888) oggaa Minilik Inxooxxoo irraa gadi bu’ee, Shaggar magaalmataa impaayara isaa godhatu, Oromoon Gullallee inni naannoo amma “Araat-Kiiloo”, “Siddis-Kiiloo”, “Lidataa”, Markaatoo, Kaasaanichis, Piyaassaa faa jiru, buqqifamee Arsii naannoo Asallaa qubachiifame. Warri kana irraa hafes, akkuma Shaggar babaldhachaa deemu, innis buqqifamaa deeme. Tahullee, Oromoo Gullallee lafa irraa duguuganii fixuun daddhabamee, har’as Shaggar keessa fi naannoo isaas inuma jira.“*** Minilik akka kanaa olitti jedhame Oromoota Gullallee kan buqqise humna qawweetini. Boodas warra buqqifaman kana loltuu isaa kanneen meeshaa waraanaa hindataniin oofsisee geessuun, naannoo Asallaa qubachiise.
Amma kutaan kun akka dheeratee yeroo keessan hunda-caalaa kana, isin jalaa hin balleessineefan asuma irratti dhaabaa, mee nagaa fi nageenyaan naa bubbulaa!
==============    

Duula karaa Qindaayee fi Walirraa Hin Cinneen Oromoorratti Gaggeeffamaa Jiru!

Baarentuu Gadaarraa | Guraandhala 18, 2014
Yeroo ammaa kana akkuma hunduu quba qabu karaa qindaawee fi walirraa hin cinneen duulli maqa baleessii, seenaa Oromoo xiqqeessanii fi xureessanii dhiheessuu midiyaalee adda addaatiin geggeeffamaa jira. Duulli jumlaadhan saba Oromoo arrabsuurratti fuullefate kun kan gaggeeffamaa jirus karaa medialee Nafxanyootaa fi leellistoota sirna gabrummaan marsaalee adda adaa, TV fi Raadiyoolee biyyoota Lixaa keessa maadheeffatanii fi fakkaattoota isaanii biyya keessa jiraniin ta’uun ifaa dha. Midiyaalee kana ammoo akkuma beekamu kan abbummaadhan gaggeessaa jiru harcaatoota ilmaan Nafaxanyootaa fi warreen wayyaaneedhaan harka lafa jalaan mahaalaqaan hirphamanii dha. Diinoonni Oromoo kaleessaa hanaga ammaa rafaniifii hin beekne kun har’a yeroo kamiyyuu caalaa karaa qindaayeen kan itti jiran karaa midiyaalee hololaa biyyoota alaatti banatanii fi biyyaa qabaniin ifatti bahaniis, dhokatanis ummata Oromoo maqaa balleessuu fi seenaa isaa dabsuun arrabsoo gaggeessaa jiru. Ilmaan weerartootaa biyyoota lixaa keessa maadheeffatan kun hojiin isaanii duula walirraa hin cinneen ummata Oromoo arrabsuufi xiqqeessuuf yaalu dha. Warreen biyya keessa jiran muraasnis haaluma wal fakkaatuun gargaarsaa fi hirpha ilmaan nafaxanyootaa fi wayyaaneetiin kan afaan hiikkachaa jiran ummata Oromoo arrabsuu fi seenaa isaa jaldhisanii dhiheessuuf dogoggora oolee bule isaanuma hubu tarrisaa oolu dha. Har’a eenyumtuu yoo marsaalee/weebsaayitoota dhimma Itiyoophiyaarratti xiyyeeffatan saaqe kan muldhatuu fi dubbifamu harki 90 fi sanaan ol kan saba Oromoorratti xiyyeeffatuu dha. Innis beektoota ykn hayyoota Oromoo maqaa dhahanii arrabsuu, xiqqeessuu, tuffachuu, akkasumas dhaaboolee siyaasaa fi jaarmiyaalee Oromoo kanneen bilisummaa Oromootiif hojjetan tuffachuu, yakkuu fi holola maqa balleessii irratti gaggeessuu dha. Uummata Oromoo akka sabaatti jumlaadhan arrabsuu, seenaa isaa dabsanii fi xureessanii akka ofii barbaadanitti karaa midiyaalee isaanii dhiheessu dha.
Yakkamtoonni saba Oromoo fi beektoota isaa arbasuu fi xiqqeessuurratti akkasumas dhaabolee fi jaarmiyaalee Oromoof hojjetan maqaa yakkuurratti bobba’an kun kan ifatti eenyummaan isaanii beekamu akkuma jiran kanneen hafan ammoo ajajaa fi deeggarsa mahaalaqaa ilmaan Nafaxanyootaa fi Wayyaaneerraa argataniin maqaa masoo adda addaa moggaafatanii karaa marsaalee diriirfatan kanaan saba Oromoo arrabsaa oolu. Seenaa saba Oromoo ta’e jedhanii dabsaa fi seenaa abbootii isaanii; seenaa afoola fi diritoo Qeesota isaanii facaasaa oolu. Ilmaan nafaxanyootaa fi jaleewwan isaanii kun haaluma wal fakkaatuun karaaRaadiyoolee fi TV biyyoota lixaa keessa madheeffataniin kan xibaaraa oolanii fi bulan harki guddaan kan saba Oromoorratti, hayyootaa fi jaarmiyaalee isaarratti xiyyeeffatuu dha. Kan hojii isaanii ijoo ta’eef dursa kennaniifi irraa hololaa oolanii bulan seenaa sobaa fi dabaa isaanii hafarsuu, seenaa saba Oromoo ammooo xiqqeessu, seenaa diritoo fi sobaa Dabtaroota isaanitiin barraawe jedhan kaasanii Oromoorratti duula walirraa hin cinne gaggeessuu dha.
Hololli kun akkuma hundi keenyaa quba qabnu yeroo ammaa kana baldhinaan walitti hidhamiinsa midiyaalee biyya alaa jiranii fi biyya keessa jiran muraasaan gaggeeffamaa jira.Walitti hidhamanii alaa manatti saba Oromoo arrabsuurratti bobba’uu isaaniitiif ammoo ragaan tokko akkuma warreen biyoota lixaa keessa maadheffatan seenaa Oromoo dabsaa fi xiqqeessaa oolan; fixiinsa miniliki saba Oromoorratti raawwate haaluun ykn akka gootummaatti dhaadheessuun Sirbituun Habashaa Teedyii Afroon dubbate biyya keessatti maxxansanii facaasuu isaanii ti.
Ilmaan Nafaxanyootaa biyya keessaa fi ala jiran kanaaf beekaa fi hayyuun Oromoo beekaa miti, isaaniif doofaa homaa hin beekne dha. Sabboontoonni, Dhaaboleen siyaasaa fi jaarmiyaaleen mirga Oromootiif qabsaawan isaan biratti warra biyya diigu, farra Itiyoophiyaa fi Fenxaalessitoota. Fixiinsii miniliki Oromoorratti raawwates isaaniif biyya ijaaruu dha. Boddeessitonni arrabsoo fi tuffii Oromoorratti bobba’an kunkana bira darbaniis ifatti “Sabni Oromoo dhiheenya Itiyoophiyaa dhufee, isatu biyya isaa malee dhufee nuweeraree”jechuun holola walirraa hin cinne gaggeessaa jiru. Gaafi fi deebii karaa Raadiyoo fi TV dhiheessaniin, barruulee karaa marsaalee adda addaa facaasaniin Oromoo fi beektoota isaa, dhaaboolee fi jaarmiyaalee isaa arrabsaa oolu. Dhugaa kana namni Raadiyoo fi TV akksumas marsaalee ilmaan nafaxanyootaatin banaman, kanneen wayyaaneedhaan harka lafa jalaatiin deeggaraman kana dubbisee fi dhaggeeffate hubachuu danda’a.Arrabsooni fi gochi maqa balleessii saba Oromoorratti gaggeeffamu guyyuu tamsa’aa oola waan ta’eef. Warreen kun maaf seenaa sobaa, seenaa diritoo Qeesonni isaanii barreessan qabatanii kaaniis ofii uumanii fi itti dabalanii saba Oromoo xiqqeessuu fi arrabsurratti bobba’an? Maaf hayyoota fi beektoota Oromoo akksumas jaarmiyaalee fi dhaaboolee Oromoo bilisummaa saba Oromootiif wareegama kaffalaa jiran tuffatu, Yakku? jennee yoo gaafanne deebin isaa wal xaxaa fi dhokotaa miti. Kaayyoon ilmaan Nafxanyootaas ta’ee kan wayyaanee saba Oromoo maqaa balleessuu fi xiqqeessurratti bobba’aniif; akkuma abbootii isaanii saba Oromoo gabrummaa jala tursanii saamaa fi dhiitaa jiraachuu dha. Ofitti amanuu fi abbaa biyyummaa isaa irraa mulqanii ergechaa fi gadootti ilaalaa olaantummaa isaanii mirkaneessanii biyyaa fi qabeenya isaa kan ofii taasifachuuf carraaquu dha. Akka Oromoon “ani saba biyya qabu” jedhee mataa ol qabatee hin deemne; sammuu isaa keessa seenaa sobaa; seenaa “ani nama iddoo biraatii godaanee dhufee” jedhuu himatuuf humnaan fudhachiisuuf hidhatanii ka’uu dha. Kunimmoo waan yoomuu ta’uu hin dandeenyee dha! Waan yoomiyyuu ta’uu hin dandeenyeetti yeroo fi humna isaanii qisaasu!; waan kaleessa yaalamee dadhabame jaarraa 21ffaa kana keessa itti dadhabuun ammoo dhamaatii qofa.  Afoola sobaa adda addaa diritanii, oduu sobaa, seenaa jaldhataa Dabtaroonni isaanii barreessan asiif-achii walitti ciranii galgalaa ganama karaa TV, Raadiyoo fi marsaalee isaanii facaasun of dadhabsiisuu malee Oromoo biratti bakka hin qabu. Kanaaf yoo sagalee hayyootaa fi sabboontota Oromoo, sochi qabsaawoota Oromoo fi jaarmiyaalee Oromoo arganii fi dhagahan waan qabanii gadhiisan wallaalu,aaru,cinqamu. Alaa manatti holola sobaa facaasu. Tokkummaa Oromoo diiguuf, gootummaa fi abbaa biyyummaa Oromoo haaluuf dhamahu. Garuu tokkoo hin milkoofneef fuunduraafiis hin milkaawuf!!! Yakkamtoonni kaleessaa hanga har’aa saba Oromoo weeraranii saamuu, ajjeesuu, hidhuu fi gadootti ilaalurratti bobba’an kun haalli amma alaa fi biyya keessatti itti jiran kan yeroo kamiyyuu caalaa sochii sabni Oromoo Bilisummaa isaaf taasisutti kan yaadda’anii fi goolaman fakkaatu. Fakkaatuu qofa Osoo hin taanee akkasumas! Gochi tuffii, gochi saba tokko akka sabaatti arrabsuu, hayyootaa fi beektoota isaa xiqqeessuuf asiif achi kaachuu kun maddi isaa sodaafii cinqii bilisummaa Oromoorraa qabaniin akka tahuu danda’u shakkiin hin jiru. Afaan Isaanii hin leenjine kanammoo Sabni Oromoo, sabboontoonni Hayyoonni fi beektoonni Oromoo, qabsaawonni bilisummaa Oromoo fi jaalattoonni bilisummaa Oromoo luugama itti godhuun dirqama. Tarkaanfii deemsaa fi gocha isaanitiin wal madaalu fudhachuuniis kan yeroon kennamuufi qabuu miti.
Wanti osoo Gaafa hin baafne ta’uu qabu sabboontoonni hayyoonni fi beektoonni Oromoo, qabsaawoonni bilisummaa Oromoo waliin tumsinee ilmaan nafaxanootaa fi wayyaanee duula warra gabrummaaf nu hawwu, warra sirna gabrummaa jiraachisuuf habjootu, maqa balleessii fi tuffii saba Oromoorratti gaggeessaa jiran kana asirratti dhaabbadhaa jechuuniin dirqama lammummaa nurraa eegamuu dha. Biyya abbaa keenyaa keessatti arrabsamaa,tuffatamaa, akka gadootti ilaalamaa, gochi maqa balleessii Aadaa fi Seenaa keenya xureessuu fi xiqqeessu gaggeeffamaa callisnee taa’uunii fi caqasnee dhiisuun qaaneessaa dha.!!!
“Surree Jilbarraan Dhumtee…….. !!!!!!!!!Hinjenneeree Oromoon Yoo geeraru

Big Tent: Ethiopia’s Authoritarian Balancing Act

February 19, 2014 (World Politics Review) — When Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s leader of more than 20 years, died in August 2012, many anticipated significant and potentially destabilizing change. Past political transitions in Addis Ababa had been violent and settled at the barrel of the gun, so the precedents were worrisome. Meles’ eulogies emphasized his individual brilliance and his personal role in bringing development to the modern Ethiopian state. What would happen with the strongman gone? Could the strong and effective authoritarian developmental party-state engineered under Meles’ leadership sustain itself without him?
Instead of instability, the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) quickly moved Deputy Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn into the leadership spot without public drama or fuss. Meles’ Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) remains the party’s guiding policy document, and key initiatives such as the Grand Renaissance Dam are moving forward steadily. Ethiopia was never a one-man dictatorship, but was characterized by a strong authoritarian ruling party with deep links among the security forces, regional administrations, mass organizations and party-affiliated enterprises. The EPRDF is key to understanding Ethiopia’s stability and the regime’s ability to remain in control of a diverse country of some 90 million, divided into a complex set of ethnic groups, in a poor region that suffers terrible levels of conflict. 
The EPRDF is ubiquitous in Ethiopia. It dominates the country through a network of political, military, economic and social organizations where the lines between party and state, party and military, party and business, and party and nongovernmental organization are blurred. Since 1991, the EPRDF has controlled all levels of government from the federal to the regional, including all levels of judicial, legislative and executive authority, and it is difficult to separate the EPRDF as a party from the EPRDF as the government. Patronage has been a key part of the party’s strength, and state resources such as development programs, access to higher education and civil service jobs have been used to reward supporters and punish opposition. The EPRDF controls a vast set of businesses through its party-based holding company, the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT). The party also controls newspapers, radio stations and mass organizations such its Youth League, Women’s League and Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions. Most importantly, the ruling party that began as an armed movement retains tight control over the military and security services. The EPRDF is more than just a political party, and its ability to embed itself in a network of state, private business, mass organization and party institutions makes it formidable. This network of linked centers of power is key to Ethiopia’s extraordinary authoritarian stability.
Ethno-nationalism and the Historical Legacies of Armed Struggle
The EPRDF has its origins in the protracted civil war in which liberation fronts mobilized around ethnic identities fought and, in 1991, ultimately defeated Mengistu Haile Mariam and his brutal military regime. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led the insurgency and came to power with high levels of solidarity and cohesion, considerable experience in administering liberated zones in the north and the legitimacy that came from winning the war. In the final years of the war, the TPLF formed the EPRDF coalition to bring in armed wings from outside of the Tigray homeland, notably the Amhara and Oromo. The Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) and later the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM) joined the EPRDF. The exigencies of turning into a ruling party required that the northern-based EPRDF find ways to incorporate the many diverse and traditionally marginalized groups in the south while simultaneously retaining its hierarchical structure of top-down control.
In one of its first acts after seizing power, the EPRDF restructured the Ethiopian state into a federation of nine ethnically defined regions and two chartered cities. The ethnically defined wings of the coalition ruled their respective ethnically defined regions. In other words, the Oromo wing ruled the Oromo region, the Amhara wing the Amhara region and so forth. The victorious rebel movement de-emphasized Ethiopian nationalism and argued that the state could only survive if group rights were made the central organizing principle. Rather than emphasizing national unity, the EPRDF boldly—some say recklessly—chose to construct a political system that reflected the aspirations of many in both the northern Tigrayan heartland and the historically marginalized south. The impact of this new dispensation has been profound; it transformed the old social hierarchy that historically favored northern highland groups such as the Orthodox Amhara and Tigrayans while marginalizing the Oromo and other largely Islamic groups in the southern lowlands.
While ethno-federalism and group rights provide the basic constitutional framework of the EPRDF-constructed state, most policy planning and financial resources remain highly centralized. The party retains the top-down, democratic centralism that is part of its legacy from its days as a victorious insurgent group. Addis Ababa provides yearly subsidies to each regional government, thereby creating dependence on central patrons. As a result, programs and expenditures are determined by central rather than local priorities.
However, while the regional states rely upon the center for legitimacy, security and resources, they also control substantial bureaucracies and budgets and have a degree of political autonomy. It is not the EPRDF as a national coalition but rather constituent ethnic parties that control the regional institutions and resources. Rather than merely implementing the wishes of the center, the regional states also possess significant political infrastructure and are the day-to-day face of the state for most rural Ethiopians. Ethno-federalism and democratic centralism have created a system with an inherent tension between autonomy and hierarchy.
The Amhara National Regional State (ANRS) illustrates the potential for regional states to develop institutional autonomy and direct links to the population. The Amhara wing of the EPRDF, the ANDM, controls every elected office in the state. ANRS is the second-largest regional state in Ethiopia, with a population of 17 million. It has its own constitution, its own elected council, regional bureaus of transport, health and education, its own system of courts and prisons, and so forth. There are long lines of farmers waiting to make their cases to regional court officials to adjudicate land disputes, indicating that authority to decide issues fundamental to everyday life is located in the regional state. The Administration and Security Bureau has built a 100,000-member local militia in the rural areas—“almost a regional army,” according to one ANRS official. Residents of the region are linked to the Amhara state, as distinct from the central Ethiopian state, in numerous ways. They carry ANRS ID cards and driver’s licenses, pay ANRS taxes, listen to Amhara radio and watch Amhara TV, support Amhara sports teams against rivals from Oromo or Tigray and identify with the ANRS flag that flies over regional government buildings.
The EPRDF has thus dominated Ethiopian politics since the transition in 1991 through a system that is structured around two tendencies that are in tension consistent with its heritage as a successful insurgency. It is a vanguard party, highly centralized and hierarchical, with policy decisions and resources concentrated at the top and with loyal administrators at the grassroots level. At the same time, however, the EPRDF is a coalition of disparate constituent parties with significantly different legacies and abilities to mobilize. It is a highly effective authoritarian regime, but the tensions between centralization and autonomy create the potential for deep fissures.
The Developmental State
The policy focus of the EPRDF has been on building a developmental state on the Chinese model and promoting the reduction of poverty and movement toward the U.N. Millennium Development Goals through state-led investments. The economy grew by more than 10 percent annually over the past decade, and rapid growth has been key to Ethiopia’s stability. The results are clear, from new housing complexes along the beltway that goes around Addis Ababa to new regional universities in dozens of smaller cities and a significant investment in rural healthcare. Trade and investments from China, India and Turkey are on the rise.
Despite this impressive growth, Ethiopia remains one of the poorest countries in the world, with a per capita annual income of $410. Furthermore, Ethiopia has one of the highest rates of population growth, making economic expansion critical. Yet, though Ethiopia’s economic growth remains higher than the African average, it has slowed in recent years. Plans for significant exports of electricity will be important in coming years, but the massive hydroelectric projects currently underway are controversial with environmentalists and neighboring states. The World Bank has also raised concerns that Ethiopia’s boom has relied too heavily upon public investment and that sustained growth will require a significant increase in private investment.
Ethiopia is currently in the middle of its five-year (2010-2015) Growth and Transformation Plan. This plan is extraordinarily ambitious and has been compared to China’s Great Leap Forward. According to the GTP, Ethiopia aims to double the size of its economy in five years and vastly expand its road, railroad and other infrastructure in order to meet all Millennium Development Goals. Ethiopia’s authoritarian stability over the past decade has relied upon an unprecedented level of economic expansion. A regime that faced a stagnant economy and an inability to deliver on the GTP’s lofty promises might face a crisis of confidence and instability.
Electoral Authoritarianism
The EPRDF is a strong authoritarian regime that has used the institutions of constitutionalism, rule of law and democracy to retain its control. The regime defines itself as a revolutionary democracy, not a liberal democracy, and insists that this form of governance is more appropriate for Ethiopia’s level of development. It positions itself as the sole legitimate party that represents the interests of the peasants, making it the natural vanguard of the largely rural country. Ethiopia has held a series of elections since 1991, but with the notable exception of the national election in 2005, none have been contested. A combination of EPRDF use of state resources and repression on one hand, and boycotts by the opposition on the other, left the overwhelming majority of Ethiopian voters without meaningful choice. While these elections have not been competitive, they have played fundamental roles in the consolidation of the ruling party’s power. Elections have been instrumental in the marginalization of key opposition parties, and high turnout suggests the party’s ability to mobilize the population.
The 2005 election, in contrast, provided most Ethiopian voters with a meaningful choice, providing a window into quite diverse political opinions that are otherwise difficult to gauge under conditions of single-party authoritarian rule. According to official results, the combined opposition increased its number of seats in parliament from 12 to 172, representing 31 percent of the total seats. This startling shift represented the potential for an important advance in democratization. Some key members of the opposition, however, refused to accept the results and claimed that massive fraud had denied them outright victory. Demonstrations in October 2005 were brutally put down by the Ethiopian military, leaving nearly 200 dead. The regime arrested many top opposition leaders, as well as an estimated 30,000 students and other presumed opposition supporters. The election period had begun with considerable excitement that peaceful change was possible but ended with the closing of political space and the criminalization of dissent.
The EPRDF responded to this challenge by demonstrating its extraordinary strength in using the levers of state power and its considerable organizational capacities to dominate all aspects of political life. In combination, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009—known as the CSO law—largely eliminated what were already weak newspapers and fledgling civil society institutions. The anti-terrorism law has been used to arrest many independent journalists and to make public discussion of key public policy issues dangerous. The CSO law restricts the ability of organizations working on human rights, democratization and conflict resolution to obtain more than 10 percent of their funds from foreign sources, leading to the collapse of virtually every nongovernmental organization working in these sectors.
The ruling party also flexed its muscle by engaging in a massive recruitment drive that expanded membership nationwide from 760,000 in 2005 to 6.5 million by 2013. As a result of these moves, the EPRDF set the stage for elections in 2010 that it would win by more than 90 percent of the votes, a return to patterns seen in 1995 and 2000. The polls resulted in the EPRDF and affiliated parties winning 545 of 547 seats, or 99.6 percent, in the parliament. Even more remarkable is that, in local elections in 2013, as a result of a boycott by the opposition, only a single opposition candidate won one of the more than 3.5 million seats.
These overwhelming victories are an indication that the authoritarian regime used elections to demonstrate its domination rather than its ability to win a contested election. As the 2005 election results suggest, the top leadership of the ruling party risks its hold on office if it allows for electoral competition. But the astonishing margins of victory in 2010 and 2013 create credibility problems for the EPRDF in North American and European capitals, where diplomats are often heard to say, “Couldn’t they have just won by 60 or 75 percent?” But the point of these elections under authoritarian rule is not to obtain a working majority or to win international approval, but to dominate domestic politics completely and thereby deter any leader from within or without the ruling party from thinking he or she could challenge this extraordinarily effective party. The 99 percent victories send an important domestic message of strength and power, even as they strain credibility abroad.
A Controlled Leadership Transition
Following the 2010 election and the collapse of organized political opposition, the EPRDF launched a process of controlled, internal party transition. A number of leaders from the original insurgent leadership retired, and a new generation of younger leaders was promoted. Leadership transition, however, is inherently a difficult process in which power and authority are in flux as different individuals and factions of parties rise and fall. In Ethiopia this is further complicated because each individual promotion or retirement reflects on the relative power of that individual’s ethnic party and ethnic region. Each of the ethnic parties believe it is “their turn” to benefit from national leadership and do not want to wait for the next transition, in perhaps another 20 years, to have their time at the top. ANDM and OPDO representatives reportedly ask quite pointed questions at closed EPRDF meetings about when their respective parties will receive a greater share of top positions. As a coalition of ethnically defined parties, any change in top EPRDF leadership will shift the distribution of power among the ethnic groups.
This need to maintain ethnic balance in top leadership positions was again seen in the ethnic and party affiliations of those who filled the key posts distributed after Meles’ death in 2012. Hailemariam, who moved from deputy prime minister to prime minister, is from the Wolayta ethnicity, a small and historically marginalized group in the south, and is an evangelical Christian. The symbolism of this is remarkable—the Ethiopian state that had been ruled by northern, Orthodox Christians for centuries now has a southern evangelical Christian head of state. In order to broaden the base of support for the new leadership, three new deputy prime ministers were named. The importance of balance within the EPRDF is apparent from the choices: While Hailemariam is from the SEPDM, Demeke Mekonnen is from the ANDM; Debretsion Gebremichael is from the TPLF; and Muktar Kedir is from the OPDO. In this moment of transition, all four ethnic constituent parties in the EPRDF coalition required a seat at the table. The authoritarian regime has maintained stability without resolving its tensions and leaves the field unresolved in the lead-up to elections in 2015.
The Political Opposition
The political parties that challenged the regime in 2005 have shattered and now play virtually no role in national politics. Repression and the application of anti-terrorism laws, as well as weak structures and leadership, limit the opposition’s ability to operate as political parties within Ethiopia. The Semayawi, or Blue, party aims to mobilize a new, younger generation of supporters, and has organized several small demonstrations, but there is little to indicate that it will challenge the EPRDF’s hold on power.
The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) remain engaged in protracted armed struggles, but the regime has readily managed these challenges. Oromo nationalist sentiments remain strong, particularly in the diaspora, but the OLF leadership is divided and ineffective, and its military is largely absent and hobbled by its relationships with Eritrea. The EPRDF regularly arrests Oromos and accuses them of links to the OLF and to terrorist plots. The ONLF has suffered from a brutally effective counterinsurgency campaign in the Somali-speaking Ogaden region. Promising talks between the ONLF and Ethiopia broke down in 2012, and in January 2014 the ONLF claimed that two of its top leaders had been kidnapped in Nairobi and taken incommunicado to Addis Ababa. As new potential energy resources are developed in the Ogaden region, Ethiopia will face new challenges in building sustainable stability there.
While the EPRDF has virtually closed political space, mobilization among Ethiopian Muslims provides an example of a new form of politics. Muslims, who represent approximately 40 percent of the population, historically have been marginalized in a country whose elites have been Christian. Demonstrations were organized in 2012 to protest government interference in Islamic affairs and leadership struggles within the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. The movement’s leadership was arrested in July 2012, and the regime has suggested that the demonstrators are linked to Islamic extremists and external funding. Some reports suggest that the regime would like to reduce tensions with Muslims and would release the leadership if they requested pardons, but the leaders are unwilling to recognize the charges as legitimate.
These demonstrations have been extraordinarily disciplined and, in contrast to the violence and massive crackdown in 2005, the Muslim protesters have made it difficult for the security forces to credibly characterize them as “terrorists”—although the regime has tried. The movement frames its demands in the language of the Ethiopian constitution and underlines its indigenous origins and leadership. It is difficult to forecast how or whether the movement will have any direct role in any future transition, but its resilience suggests that nonpartisan social mobilization may have greater potential than formal electoral opposition parties.
Prospects for Transition
The powerfully effective networks that link the ruling EPRDF coalition and the state have sustained authoritarian stability in Ethiopia since 1991. This power is seen in the ruling party’s ability to mobilize millions in noncompetitive elections. The ruling coalition has benefited from a period of rapid economic growth and an opposition that was often divided and at times missed opportunities. The EPRDF has also put in place a set of laws that have greatly restricted the ability of civil society organizations and independent media to operate, further limiting any checks on its power.
The EPRDF’s strength, however, is simultaneously a source of brittleness. The lack of space for dissenting voices, for the development of alternative policies or for channeling discontent into constructive forms of political dialogue and competition has resulted in a population that has acquiesced to the formidable power of the incumbent. This acquiescence, however, could evaporate quickly if the regime seems to weaken or lose its access to patronage. Acceptance of the ruling party is also enforced through highly effective mechanisms of repression against the opposition. If the regime stumbles, then the veneer of support may fall away, quickly leaving a vacuum that will encourage a violent scramble to gain the upper hand in the transition. Authoritarian regimes without significant constituencies are not stable in the long