An Unholy Alliance in East Africa

John Kerry knows Ethiopia is repressive. So why does Washington keep shoring it up?
By BRONWYN BRUTON
John Kerry’s hastily announced trip to Africa last week is something of an occasion: It’s the first time he has set foot in sub-Saharan Africa as secretary of state aside from a brief visit just to Addis Ababa in May 2013.
But the abruptness of the trip—announced barely half a week before Kerry’s departure and conveniently timed to fill a scheduling gap caused by an unmet end-of-April deadline in the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks—is hardly the most troubling part of Kerry’s visit. Far less forgivable is his decision to honor Ethiopia, a country that widely persecutes dissidents, with another visit, and the first on this trip. Kerry’s remarks in Ethiopia included long-overdue public comments on the sorry state of democratic and human rights in the country. But the secretary made clear that the United States is more concerned about strengthening ties with Ethiopia—a repressive regime that Washington nonetheless relies on as its primary strategic partner in the region.
The State Department announced a confusing range of objectives for Kerry’s visit to Africa: to encourage democratic development; promote respect for human rights; advance peace and security; engage with civil society and young African leaders; and promote trade, investment and development partnerships in Africa. In pursuit of these goals, Kerry spent two days in Ethiopia, convening an African Union summit and meeting several regional heads of state. Before heading to the conflict-ridden Democratic Republic of Congo and southern economic powerhouse Angola, he made a previously unannounced visit on Thursday to South Sudan. His remarks about the possibility of genocide in the country will likely eclipse the rest of his visit to the continent—unsurprisingly, perhaps, as Washington’s desire to resolve the conflicts in South Sudan and Somalia has long overshadowed other interests in Africa, especially human rights and good governance.
American national security interests are not at stake in South Sudan, but reputations are: The nation was created with U.S. assistance in 2011, and until it plunged into violence several months ago, it was one of Washington’s favorite “success” stories. South Sudan’s independence struggle against the genocidal regime in Sudan to the north has been heavily romanticized by American activists, even George Clooney. Having invested so heavily in South Sudan’s creation, Washington now feels responsible for its successes and failures. In Somalia, meanwhile, the United States has been deeply worried by terrorism threats, especially since 2006, and has spent time and treasure launching a new government and a host of African troops to protect it.
Both countries deserve Kerry’s attention and American engagement. But Washington’s apparent eagerness to resolve these two crises—while at the same time cutting costs and shrinking America’s security footprint on the continent, especially in Somalia—has forced the United States to develop an unholy alliance with one of the region’s most authoritarian regimes: Ethiopia.
Ethiopia used to be one of Africa’s stronger democracies, but ever since disputed elections in 2005, the government has cracked down heavily on civil society, the media, the political opposition and even organized religious groups. Protests over the 2005 elections ended when the government arrested thousands of peaceful demonstrators, charging hundreds of opposition leaders and journalists with treason. Since then, the government has implemented laws that criminalize social advocacy by “foreigners” (including Ethiopian charities that receive donations from abroad); imposed draconian restrictions on the press (even copy shops can be fined ruinous amounts for printing articles that criticize the government); and enforced such a broad definition of “terrorism,” under a 2009 proclamation, that the mere act of blocking traffic during a peaceful street protest can be punishable by the death penalty.
Bronwyn Bruton is deputy director of the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council.